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I
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION
1775-1818
«*^^-»"
._ --^BS^i^^^- _ «. . _
Connecticut
IN Transition
1775-1818
BY
RICHARD J. PURCELL, Ph.D.
WASHINGTON: AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
1918
A LoiiTED Editeon op Tbis Essay Has Been Pezntbd and
Type Distsibutkd
COPTUOHT, 1918
Bt Tbx AmsicAM Histoiical AseoaATiOM
WASHIIfGTOII, D. C.
COIiPOSCO AND PUN FED AT THE
WAVERLY PRESS
By the Wiluaus & Wilkins Comfamt
Baltimoke, M d. , U. S. a.
PREFACE
T^HIS study of an epoch in the history of Con-
^ necticut was begun at the suggestion of
Professor Max Farrand. Under his scholarly guid-
ance it gradually took the form of a doctoral dis-
sertation and was submitted to the faculty of the
Graduate School of Yale University. At the Yale
Commencement of 1916 it was awarded the John
Addison Porter prize. Since the award to the
writer of the Justin Winsor prize, the essay has
been revised and somewhat abridged, especially
with reference to charts and notes. Among those
who have read the manuscript, I desire to express
my appreciation for suggestions to Mr. Anson
Phelps Stokes, the secretary of Yale University,
and to Professor Carl Russell Fish of the University
of Wisconsin.
Richard J. Purcell.
College of St. Thomas,
St. Paul, Minnesota.
vu
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
Introduction 1
I. 1. The Rise of Infidelity to 1801 5
2. The Religious Life of Yale College 22
3. The Religious Revival after 1801 30
4. The Liberalizing of Calvinism 39
II. 1. The Protestant Episcopal Church 46
2. The Strict Congregationalists 65
3. The Baptist Church 66
4. The Methodist-Episcopal Church 81
5. The Smaller Religious Bodies 89
6. Common Grievances of Dissenters 92
V in. 1. Banks and the Increase of Capital 98
2. Shipping and Carrying Trade 113
3. Manufactures 119
IV. 1. Emigration and Western Lands 139
2. Agriculture and Sheep Raising 158
"V V. The Working Government 174
-^ VI. Rise of the Democratic-Republican Party 227
^ VII. Federal Party Organization 299
^ VIII. Success of the Reform Party 332
IX
MAPS
clesiastical Map (1818) facing, . .
»te for Governor^ April, 1817.. .. .
»te on Constitution by Towns (18
INTRODUCTION
'T^HE Revolutionary generation and its sons
-*• witnessed a remarkable revolution in the
character of the old commonwealth of Connecticut ;
they lived through an era of transition from 1775
to 1 81 8. Connecticut passed from a colonial de-
pendency into a sovereign state. This all men
realized. They did not recognize, however, that
this was only the beginning and that at best it was
a change in form rather than in spirit, in theory
rather than in practice. Contemporaries were quite
unaware of the gradual growth from an aristo-
cratic, paternalistic into a modem democratic state.
That they overlooked this is not surprising, for the
famed "steady habits** were bettered or under-
mined, as you will, by a natural movement of
forces imperceptibly gradual in action.
Other colonies had internal revolutionary strug-
gles which have been aptly compared with the
national revolt from the mother-land. Massachu-
setts, Vermont, the Carolinas, Virginia and Penn-
sylvania had seen alinements of the frontier de-
mocracy over against the governing aristocracy of
the settied tide-water regions. There had been vir-
tual Declarations of Independence on the part of
the West and threatened or actual resort to force,
before the East acceded to their demands for ade-
quate representation and protection against the In-
dians. In Connecticut such was not the case; for
1
2 INTRODUCTION
there was no real frontier, no essentially frontier
grievances, and no racial lines. If anytiiing, re-
centiy settled, sparsely populated districts were
over-represented in comparison to the larger and
older towns. Hence, as there was no occcasion for
an outbreak to force the hand of the ruling element,
the transition was left to the quiet, but irresistably
levelling evolution of time. This evolution will be
considered in its three broad phases : religious, eco-
nomic, and political or constitutional.
These years marked a vast change in the religious
life of the state. The rigorous Puritanism of the
past lost much of its dogmatic intolerance and re-
pelling harshness. Irreligion, deism and dissent of
every brand gained strength among those who re-
volted from Calvinistic teachings. The religious
constitution of the state was modified, so that at
least legal toleration was granted to all honest
Christians. This was not enough to satisfy the
demands of the unorthodox, schismatic, and heretic.
Joining their suffrages at the polls, they won re-
ligious liberty as a right, not a boon. In their strug-
gle for this religious freedom which nearly all the
other states guaranteed, they effected the overthrow
of Calvinism as an establishment and burst the
bonds linking Congregationalism to the state.
Great was the economic awakening of this perioc'
with its shift in the industrial life of the communis
Agriculture was giving way to manufacturin
Newly established banks were displacing the cou
try merchant as a money loaner and broker. Insi
ance companies were founded. Money becar
INTRODUCTION 3
available as wealth rapidly increased. Western emi-
gration increased to such dangerous proportions
that to induce men to remain at home, it was found
necessary to stimulate domestic industry, improve
agriculture, and build roads. Schools were bet-
tered; libraries were established; agricultural and
scientific organizations were incorporated. As pop-
ulation turned from the country to the cities, a
laboring class was being developed. Only through
an understanding of these changes can one interpret
the long struggle for democracy and reforms, gov-
ernmental and social.
The religious and economic changes in the com-
munity life afford an explanation of the political
contest. Men called for religious and social equal-
ity, practical democracy and popular sovereignty.
Their demands were but the expression of the
ideas of the American and French revolutions.
They would emancipate themselves from the rule
of an aristocratic, clerical class. They were the
more insistent, for they knew of the freedom of the
West through reading letters from emigrants and
from the onmipresent Yankee peddler. For the
fulfillment of their desires they soon realized the
need of a reorganization in the structure of the
government. Hence through an opposition party,
the Democratic-Republican and later Toleration
party, they sought the adoption of a constitution,
with a bill of rights guaranteeing the natural privi-
leges of republican citizens instead of the royal
charter. This was done by waging a generation-long
campaign by which the people were convinced of the
INTRODUCTION
justice of the demands and the safety with which
they could be granted. The result was the blood-
less Revolution of 1818, which gave the state a
constitution as democratic as any then in existence.
CHAPTER I
I. The Rise of Infidelity to i8oi
niHIS era, 1 775-181 8, of the breaking down of
-■• the old religious life of Connecticut was
marked by the inception and rapid spread of infi-
delity. Irreligion finally permeated all ranks of
society. Gaining strength, it took the offensive,
becoming aggressive in thought and radical in
politics. Hence, aside from the academic interest
in the history of liberalism, there is a practical
one in computing the numerical strength of those
whom their fellow freemen termed infidels.
Connecticut Congregationalism was at a low
ebb in the second half of the eighteenth century.
Revivals were as rare as great divines. The moral
rigor of seventeenth-century Puritanism had dis-
appeared. It is to this fact that the inflow of
deistic thought must be ascribed. The Great
Awakening of 1 740 accomplished wonders for a time
in invigorating the religious life, yet its results from
the viewpoint of the Standing Order were not en-
tirely advantageous. It caused the schism of the
Separates or, as they styled themselves, the strict
Congregationalists and paved the way for those
enthusiastic exhorters who were to win over so
many moribund Congregationalists to the infant
Baptist and Methodist organizations. A decided
impetus was given to the Church of England. In
5
6 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
a word, while the revival stimulated religious inter-
ests and instilled a passing vitalizing force into the
established church, there came in its wake sectari-
anism and dissent. Excesses to be deprecated
rather than overlooked aroused skepticism and
furthered the introduction of infidelity.
While the French and Indian War was generally
regarded as the first milestone in the progress of
infidelity in the staid and steady old common-
wealth, deism was known in America much earlier.^
Men like Dean Berkeley and Samuel Johnson were
affected by a sort of idealism, at times dangerously
deistic. Ezra Stiles as student and tutor, having
read the thirty or so deistic books included in the
Berkeley donation to the Yale Library, had passed
through a painful skepticism.^ Rector Thomas Clap
was said to have depended largely on Woolaston's
Religion of Nature for his philosophy. There may
have been considerable skepticism among the lit-
erati, in the form of a rational protest against the
harshness and determinism of Calvinism, though
this was not true among the people at large, many
of whom might have been unreligious without being
irreligious.
Writing in 1 759 relative to the probable effect of
the war on religion and morals. Stiles noted :
I imagine the American Morals & Religion were never in
so much danger as from our concern with the Europeans in
* I. Woodbridge Riley, The Founder of Mornumism, p. 151 ; in the same
author's American Thought from Puritanism to Pragmatism there is a
discussion of infidelity during this period.
' Rev. Abicl Holmes, The Life of Ezra Stiles, pp. 42, 43-63.
THE RISE OF INFIDEUTY TO 1801 7
the present War. They put on indeed in their public Con-
duct the Mark of public Virtue — and the Officers endeavor to
restrain the vices of the private Soldiery while on duty.
But I take it the Religion of the Army is Infidelity & Grati-
fication of the appetites .... They propagate in a
genteel & insensible Manner the most corrupting and de-
bauching Principles of Behavior. It is doubted by many
Officers if in fact the Soul siu-vives the Body — but if it does,
they ridicide the notion of moral accountableness, Rewards
and Punishments in another life .... I look upon it
that our Officers are in danger of being corrupted with vicious
principles, and many of them I doubt not will in the End of
the War come home minute philosophers initiated in the
polite M)rsteries and vitiated morals of Deism. And this
will have an unhappy Effect on a sudden to spread Deism or
at least Skepticism thro' these Colonies. And I make no
doubt, instead of the Controversies of Orthodoxy and Her-
esy, we shall soon be called to the defence of the Gospel itself.
. . . . The Bellamys &c. of New England will stand no
chance with the corruptions of Deism, which, I take it are
spreading apace in this Country.'
Stiles was right. The British regular from the
barracks, where loose morals and looser free think-
ing prevailed , proved a dangerous associate for the
colonial militiaman. The rank and file were fa-
miliar with the Anglican Church of the Georges
and the officers were frequently imbued with the
prevalent continental philosophy or its echoed
English rationalism. Their unorthodox thinking
impressed men, and their philosophy was assidu-
ously copied as having a foreign style. Thus the
militiaman on returning from the campaign intro-
duced his newly acquired habits of thinking and
of life among the humble people of his town or
• Stiles Mss., letter dated Newport, Sept. 24, 1759, quoted in Riley,
American Thought ^ p. 215.
'Jft^
8 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
wayside hamlet. Judging from the reported change
in the religious tone of such a town as New Britain,
no society was too secluded to escape the baneful
contagion.* Thus the infidel philosophy of the old
world gained a foothold in the new.
The trying years of the Revolution were critical
for New England orthodoxy. It was an unsettled
period filled with demoralizing tendencies. The
use of intoxicants was well-nigh universal, Sab-
bath violations were winked at by the authorities;
swearing, profanity, and night- walking passed all
but unnoticed. Depreciated money encouraged
speculation and avarice. Hard times broke into
patriotism. Unmoral business ethics was too ap-
parent, if one may judge from the acts and their
supplementary re-enactments, to prevent engross-
ing and exporting goods out of the colony, and to
establish a minimum wage and a maximum price
for articles of consumption.* Men were becoming
materialistic. The minister was fast losing his au-
tocratic sway in the parish. Congregationalism
was seriously weakened. The Church of England
was all but destroyed, for as a religious body it was
discredited as being Tory at heart. Its churches
were closed and its ministers silenced. Hence one
is not surprised at the inroad^ **nothingarianism*'*
made into the established order. A reader of the
records finds no difficulty in accounting for Presi-
* David N. Camp, History of New Britain^ p. 56.
» Conn. Col. Records, XV, index; StaU Records, I, 6,9, 62, 65, 97, 230.
413, 524, 528. II, 13, 103, 132, 164, 174, 222, 266, 272, 483.
• James Dana, Two Discourses, p. 65, made use of this apt
iJM WPMi IV .
THE RISE OP INPIDEUTY TO 1801 9
dent Dwight's observation that war is fatal to
morals.
Dwight wrote a few years later of the revolution-
ary days as follows :
At this period Infidelity began to obtain, in this country,
an extensive currency and reception. As this subject con-
stitutes far the most interesting and prominent characteristic
of the past Century, it would not be amiss to exhibit it with
some degree of minuteness and to trace through several
particulars the steps of its progress.^
The positive responsibility was placed again
on the intercourse with ** corrupted foreigners."
French free-thinking proved dangerously contagi-
ous. In the first place, the French brothers-in-
arms, as America's brave allies, commanded both
our gratitude and respect. In the second place,
denying where the English doubted, their thought
was aggressively destructive rather than apologetic.
As men of some learning and of an insinuating,
polished address, they were skillful proselytizers,
answering arguments with a sneering smile or
effective shrug. Thus, American officers imbibed
the ideas of the continental philosophers without
necessarily intimately knowing at first hand their
writings.
Stiles had declared that cries of orthodoxy would
not suffice, but that Scripture must be explained
on logical, rational grounds so as to appeal to
critical minds. In his Election Sermon of 1783,
driven by fear of deism, he emphasized the depend-
ence of Luther and Calvin on the Church Fathers
^ Discourse (1801), p. 19; cf. Travels, IV, 355 flF.
10 C0NNFX:TICUT in transition: 1775-1818
and predicted evolutionary changes in the ''fash-
ions in reh'gion/' **We despise the fathers and the
pious and learned divines of the middle ages,'' he
wrote. ** Pious posterity will do the same by us;
and twirl over our most favorite authors with the
same ignorant pity and neglect: happy they, if
their favorite authors contain the same blessed
truths."* This was dangerously tolerant. Congre-
gationalism had to turn away and await a differ-
ent type of Yale president to defend her from the
onslaughts of deism and its disciples.
The religious status of most towns after the
Revolution was that of Windham, whose historian
writes:
Her secidar affairs were most flourishing. It was a tran-
sition period — a day of upheaval, over-turning, uprootal.
Infidelity and Universalism had come in with the Revolu-
tion and drawn multitudes from the religious faith of their,
fathers. Free-thinking and free-drinking were alike in
vogue. Great looseness of manners and morals had re-
placed the ancient Puritanic strictness .... Now,
sons of those honored fathers and the, great majority of those
in active life, were sceptics and scoffers, and men were placed
in ofl5ce who never entered the House of God except for town
meetings and secular occasions. •
Without doubt, growing irreligion had much to
do with the prevalence of vice. The increasing in-
fidelity in weakening the awful grip with which
the Calvinists* ^hereafter* once held their minds,
removed the greatest influence enforcing the stem
old Puritan morality.
• Stiles, Sermon J May, 1783, p. 96.
• Ellen D. Laraed, History of Windham County, II, 220.
mmi
THE RISE OF INFIDEUTY TO 1801 11
The years of peace wrought little in the way of
restraining the irreligious propensities. Some
were constrained to believe that men were more re-
ligious during the war than in the period immedi-
ately following, when, with trials removed, they be-
came even more worldly.*® It was pointed out
that ''infidelity assumed an air of importance.*' It
was half feared that the augury of an American
philosopher who had predicted some years before
to David Hume that another century would see
the extermination of religion in America, was pro-
phetic.** Yet considered retrospectively President
Stiles's survey of the nation's future religious life
struck nearer the mark :
As to nominal Christianity, I have no doubt but that it
will be upheld for ages in these states. Through the liberty
enjoyed here, all religious sects will grow up into large and
respectable bodies."
Yet Stiles feared the headway deism was making
and took advantage of this Election Sermon to
trumpet aloud its dangers. His attack was too
scholarly to be effective outside the cloister. The
average man could not follow his refutation of
Hume, Voltaire, Tindal, or Shaftesbury, the last of
whom he termed the "amiable Confucius of Deism,"
and condemnation of their usual glorification of
other systems above Christianity.
Some caution is necessary, as these are contem-
porary accounts by severe moralists to whom the
10 j^o Brothers y pp. 6 flF.; Samuel Wales, Sermon, May, 1785.
" Dwight, Address, July 4, 1798, p. 18.
» Stiles, Sermon, May, 1783, pp. 73, 78-86.
12 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
present is ever likely to appear hopeless and dark,
and the past alone bright. With the vantage of
several years perspective the same men may see
much that was light in the once gloomy vista.
Such was the case with President Dwight, who
wrote from memory some thirty years later that
infidelity decreasing after 1783 gave way to the an-
cient virtues of New England, and became only a
by-word for immorality while at the same time
business standards reached a higher plane." To a
certain extent this may have been true, and the
desperate conditions which Dwight painted after
1795 in his contemporary sermons may have been
due to the baneful influences of the French Revolu-
tion, which counteracted the work of the reformers.
Such a theory is not untenable in the light of facts.
If, however, Dwight was correct in defining the
beginning of the reform movement, he was mis-
taken in not stating or, more likely, in not perceiv-
ing its cause.
In 1784 Connecticut passed a general toleration
act which revealed the tolerant spirit seen in the
Virginia act of the same year and the clauses in the
new state constitutions. As this act made dissent
halfway respectable by freeing a dissenter, who
presented a certificate declaring himself a member
of some regular society recognized by law, from the
payment of a Congregational tithe, it no doubt
served to increase the adherents of non-Congrega-
tional churches. Still it must also have decreased
the irreligious propaganda; for the legal dis-estab-
" Dwight, Travels, IV, 355-361.
THE RISE OP INPIDEUTY TO 1801 13
lishment of Congregationalism of the Saybrook
Platform broke the point of the "infidels* " strongest
weapon of attack. Men, dissatisfied with the es-
tablished order, could join one of the dissenting so-
cieties by complying with the certificate technicality.
It acted as a safety-valve, for men were less apt
to give up the church altogether. Furthermore,
Congregationalism itself was morally strengthened.
President Dwight would never have agreed with
such reasoning, for a little later he was inveighing
uncompromisingly against the so-called ''modem
liberality.""
Ethan Allen in 1 784 printed his Oracles of Reason,
which President Jared Sparks of Harvard at a later
time assailed most vigorously and which Dwight of
Yale noticed as the first formal publication in the
United States against Christianity." Allen in his
preface wrote that he was called a deist, though he
himself did not know what he was, save that he as-
suredly was not a Calvinist, or hopeful of immunity
from clerical attack. The book might best be char-
acterized as an assault on Puritanism and its preach-
ers. How widely the treatise was circulated, cannot
be determined, but, judging from Allen's popularity
in Vermont, his Revolutionary services, his Litch-
field birth, it is likely that it was read throughout
New England. Its publication alone would in-
cline one to doubt that there was the genuine, gen-
^ Discourse (1801), p. 16; Zephaniah Swift, A System of the Laws of
the State of Connecticut, 1, 145.
"Riley, American Thought, pp. 12-17, 56-58; Riley, American
Philosophy, The Early Schools, pp. 48 ff.; Proceedings of Vermont Histori-
cal Society (1902), p. 6.
14 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
eral aversion to deism which too great dependence
on Dwight or Judge Swift might lead one to believe.
President Dwight learned that as early as 1786
there were in America several branches of the II-
luminati, that professedly higher branch of Free
Masonry founded (to his regret, later on) by Pro-
fessor Weishaupt of Ingolstadt. His auditors were
not informed as to whether Connecticut had a chap-
ter, but were told that this society propagated doc-
trines striking at the very root of human happiness,
virtue, society and government.** If its purpose
was to weaken the hold of religion on men, the time
was propitious.
The years before the French Revolution and the
establishment of a strong national government were
lean, unstable years, when change was in the air.
The critical period was one of discontent, a search-
ing after a panacea. Is it surprising if many saw
in deism a hope; in the church, a tyranny; and in
the clergyman, an enemy? Hard times, commer-
cial depression, slack shipping, depreciated cur-
rency, national, state and private debts in great
volume, speculation, avaricious longing for wealth,
inter-state land disputes caused general dissatisfac-
tion. Then came the party or class struggle for
and against a strong centralized government, with
the people of property, social standing and orthe
dox religion on one side and the debtor and man <
doubtful or no religion on the other. Once tl
national constitution was adopted, one would expr
that religious discontent would cease, as did po
cal and economic dissatisfaction. An adjustn
M Dwight, Address, July 4, 1798, pp. 15-14.
THE RISE OF INFIDEUTY TO 1801 IS
of religious differences in broader toleration, if not
a turning from philosophic thought to the more
practical concerns of every-day life, might have re-
sulted if the French Revolution had not broken forth.
The importance of the French Revolution on the
religious thought of Connecticut can hardly be over-
estimated, yet it must not be held responsible for all
the ungodliness of those years of Connecticut's
darkness. As we have seen, the roots of irreligion
and moral shortcomings went far behind the days of
the French Revolution. That Revolution merely
gave a powerful stimulus to deism and to all that
was generally connoted by the term "Jacobinism."
On the other hand it aroused the clergy to a united
opposition to the enemies of religion. As evidence
that the French Revolution was not the cause of
the religious decline, consider the fiftieth anniver-
sary sermon of Rev. Mr. White of Windham, deliv-
ered in 1790, before the effects of the Revolution
could possibly have been felt:
In those days there were scarce any that were not profes-
sors of religion, and but few infants not baptized. No
families that were prayerless. Profane swearing wiais but
little known, and open violations of the Sabbath not prac-
ticed as is common now. And there were no Deists among
us. The people as a body were fearers of the Lord and
observers of the Sabbath and its duties. But the pres-
ent day is peculiar, for men's throwing off the fear of the
Lord. Declensions in religion have been increasing for
about thirty years past, such as profaneness, disregard of the
Sabbath, neglect of family religion, unrighteousness, intem-
perance, imbibing of modem errors and heresies and the
crying prevalence of infidelity against the clearest light. *^
>^ Quoted in Rev. Elijah Waterman, Sermon, Dec. 10, 1800, p. J3,
and in Lamed, Windham County, II, 221.
16 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Jesse Lee, the pioneer Methodist exhorter, on his
tour of 1 789 found religion at a low ebb, though his
testimony must be closely scrutinized. However,
he seems to be borne out by other witnesses to
whom the same declension of morals and religion
was plainly, if painfully, visible.^' This condition
was not confined to particular sections of the state,
for, if it had been, these early Methodist and Bap-
tist itinerant evangelists would not have been so
generally successful. Such was the religious life of
Connecticut when the French Constituent Assem-
bly was drafting the Constitution of the Clergy.
The French Revolution in its early years was as
generally approved in Connecticut as elsewhere in
America.^* The attack on the church was ap-
plauded in a short-sighted, if not bigoted, manner,
as the fulfillment of their long-predicted overthrow
of Anti-Christ, of Babylon.*® For the sake of con-
sistency, it would have been well if the Congrega-
tional ministers had realized that Jacobinism was
essentially an attack on Christianity. This would
have relieved them in ensuing years from the biting
ridicule of bitter democratic pens when they fav-
ored the coalition to such an extent that they could
" Nathan Bangs, History of the Methodist-Episcopal Church, I, 288-
290; Bishop Frands Asbury, Journal^ II, 102; Sketch of R. M. Sherman,
pp. 20-22.
»• Ezra Stiles, Diary, UI, 391, 432, 467; Noah Webster, Ten Letters;
The Revolution in France; James Gould, July 4th Address (1798),
pp. 21 ff.; James Dana, Two Discourses, pp. 54 fif.; Dwight, Travels, IV,
371-375; Charles D. Hazen, Contemporary American Opinion of the French
Revolution,
^ Anson Ely Morse, The Federalist Party in Massachusetts to the
Year 1800, pp. 88 ff.
TEE RISE OP INPIDEUTY TO 1801 17
rejoice in the Concordat and even in the ultimate
re-establishment of the Bourbons and the church.
This complete turn of sympathy on the part of
the ministry and in general of the upper social class
can be accounted for by England's declaration that
she stood as the bulwark of religion as well as by the
unbridled excesses of the revolutionists. America
could not condone the execution of Louis XVI and
Marie Antoinette, the worship of the Supreme Be-
ing, the full Terror, and the blood of Toulon and
La Vendue. Then the fear aroused by the close
association of Jacobinism with the Revolutionary
Societies of England and with the beginnings of the
Republican movement at home brought many to
the other extreme of not being able to see any good
in the whole convulsion.
At length the Connecticut ministry concluded
that Jacobinism was not only anti-clerical, but
positively anti-Christian. Dwight stood foremost
among his brethren when, in 1798, he pointed out
that the persecution to which the Catholic church
was subjected, was contrary to his desires. How-
ever, he carefully explained that he was no friend
to its system.'^ In 1801 he set forth his opinion —
somewhat dictatorially — in answer to certain ex-
cuses for French infidelity, as follows :
It is true, that the persecution of modem Infidels has
&llen principally on Catholics, and not on Protestants, and
" Address, July 4, 1798, p. 9; Rev. Nathan Strong exhibited the
same views in his Thanksgiving Sermons of 1798 and 1800. Strong's
toleration was evidenced in his invitation to Abb^ Matignon to use his
pulpit when on a visit to Hartford in 1813. Catholic Historical Review,
J, 151.
18 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
it is equally true, that they have not persecuted them at all as
CcUholicSy but merely as Christians. They themselves have
often told us their real design. They have ridiculed, denied,
and decried Religion as such; and not as the Catholic system;
and have fought and butchered the CathoUc soldiers, and
the people, as the Armies and adherents of Jesus, by name.
. . . . The reUgion, the piety of these men constituted
the crime, for which they died; npt the character of Catholics.
Accordingly the persecution has fallen indiscriminately on
Protestants as well as Catholics; not so often; because there
were not so many of them; but never the less, because they
were Protestants. This distinction was invented here, and
by us; and was not so much as thought of by themselves."
Furthermore, Dwight painfully maintained that
he was equally unfriendly to Rome and such infi-
dels as refused to differentiate between true and
false religion, while he admitted, on the other hand,
that there were pious Catholics. In thinking other-
wise he felt that one would be guilty of the bigotry
with which they are charged. What wonder is it,
then, that the Republican of 1801 ridiculed the
political inconsistency of the federalist ministry?*
During the closing years of the century Dwight
assumed undoubted leadership. His study of the
deistic movement and literature was more thorough
than that of any Connecticut man since President
Stiles. As scholarly as Stiles, he was a more ag-
gressive character, a stouter debater as well as a
more popular preacher. He was a born leader.
His orthodoxy was unquestioned. As Yale's head,
he was the chief of the clerical faction which was
" Discourse (1801), pp. 54-56; cf. Dwight, Trawls, IV, 367.
" ConstUuiional Telegraph quoted in American Mercury, June 12,
19, 1800; April 22, July 8, 1802.
TEE RISE OP INPIDEUTY TO 1801 19
fast forming in answer to Jacobinical attacks on
the clergy and their interests. His sermons dem-
onstrated not only that he knew his subject, but
that he had closely studied the writings of Lord
Herbert of Cherbury, of Hobbes, Shaftesbury,
Hume, Bolingbroke, Gibbon, d'Alembert, Vol-
taire, Rousseau and a host of minor philosophers,
as well as the leading English works refuting them.
He was able to trace the rise of the Illuminati.
He had even looked into the ** loose moral princi-
ples" of Kant and other German writers. The
immature thinker of 1788 who had written the
Triumph of Infidelity, '^^ was now ready to lead and
able to convince men of his inheren t right of leader-
ship in the crusade against irreligion. "*
The Congregational clergy, seeing the necessity
of concerted action, were thankful to have a D wight
for their leader. Scarcely one failed to take his
place in the line of battle in defense of church and
state. That they might wage a more effective
campaign, was their chief plea for a general entrance
into politics. In so doing, they made themselves
the mark for virulent Republican attacks, with the
result that Republicanism represented to them all
that was blackest in Jacobinism. Between the two,
they would not differentiate. The increasingly
numerous sectarians also strove against infidelity
by preaching and revivals, with rather more suc-
cess, for they did not assail Republicanism as part
of the deistic movement. Methodist and Baptist
exhorters even as Republicans contended against
•« Stiles, Diary, IH, 326.
20 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
irreligion. As the excesses of the French Revolution
had cured of their revolutionary ardor all but the
violent partisans, Republicans themselves realized
that the popular association of deism, infidelity and
Republicanism would endanger their cause. This
concerted action on the part of the settled ministry,
supplemented by the telling labors of churchmen
and despised sectarians, preserved religion in Con-
necticut** during this period of crisis.
French books of philosophy were coming rapidly
into vogue with translations and popularized pam-
phlet abridgments.** The Age of Reason by
Thomas Paine was read with avidity and by all
classes, as editions were oheap and frequently dis-
tributed gratis. Rev. William Bentley noted that
Paine was universally read in Connecticut, and as-
sumed importance, because of the diatribes or
eulogies heaped upon him by the respective parties.*^
He might be labeled a genius without morals, a
"strolling preacher of Jacobinism;" but men had not
forgotten that, like Ethan Allen, he deserved well
of America and evil of England. Moreover, he
reached the masses by popularizing the philoso-
phers whose thoughts were too obscured in their
rhetoric and diction to be comprehended by the un-
educated. In this way the simple-minded frontiers-
* Cf . M. Louise Greene, The Development of Religious Liberty in Con^
nedictU, pp. 41(M12.
" Dwight, Travels t IV, 368; Dana, Two Discourses ^ p. 33; Abraham
Bishop, Oration (1801), pp. 87-88; Dwight, Discourse (1801), p. 50;
Rev. Moses Welsh, Sermon (1807), p. 17; Riley, American Thought,
pp. 87, 162, 305; Bangs, Methodist Church, II, 21.
" Diary, III, 42.
THE RISE OP INPIDEUTY TO 1801 21
man was often contaminated before the evangelistic
exhorter arrived. While Paine's influence was
greater outside of New England and especially Con-
necticut than within, it may be considered a chief
factor in the rise of infidelity in the commonwealth.*'
Another influential emigrant was the deist, Dr.
Joseph Priestley, discoverer of oxygen and member
of the constitutional reform societies of England
who sought a haven in America from the Birming-
ham mob who burned his laboratory and library.
As a naturalized citizen and a Republican he came
to have considerable influence. He was frequently
quoted by Republican editors. The American
Mercury of Hartford made his name so familiar
that the church-goers sometimes dubbed the unre-
ligious as "Priestleians."'* His Corruptions of
Christianity influenced Jefferson who in 1803 wrote
a moderately deistic Syllabus of an Estimate of the
Doctrines of Jesus, compared with those of others.*^
Abraham Bishop, a prominent local Republican,
while denying charges of being an atheist himself
and declaring his doubts as to the likelihood of
there being an atheist in all America, bitterly at-
tacked the clergy and advised them to steer clear
of politics and stop teaching the people to label
men infidels. He further suggested that they refrain
from calling to mind Bolingbroke, Hume and Vol-
taire, who could not be refuted by being called
*• Morse, Federalist Party, pp. 217 ff.^Swift, System of Laws, II, 323.
'* Stiles, Diary, III, 525; Dana, Two Discourses, p. 65; Rev. William
W. Andrews, The Correspondence of John Cotton Smith, p. 67.
" Riley, American Thought, pp. 77 £f.
22 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
fools. If Bishop's addresses encouraged infidelity,
they served the further purpose of unsettling the
church members and spurring them to action. The
versatile Joel Barlow, poet, scholar, diplomat, cos-
mopolitan, and deist, likewise must have drawn the
attention of his fellow-citizens toward France and
her literature. At any rate, the French philoso-
phers were widely read. Their high abstractions
and their beguiling style made them more popular
and hence difficult to combat. The clergy found
an advantage in associating infidelity with immor-
ality and faction, thereby demonstrating the danger
to state as well as church.
2. The Religious Life of Yale College
To appreciate the labors of President Dwight and
the widespread influence of deistic thought, one
must consider the religious life of Yale College dur-
ing this era. By noting the hold of infidelity on
both faculty and students, a better idea is obtained
of the diffusion of irreligious philosophy throughout
the state. As the center of learning, with a divinity
school where practically all of the Congregational
clergy were trained, the position of Yale was one
of obvious importance.'^ If its students could be
impressed with orthodox Calvinism as well as
with conservatism in politics, the "Old Order"
would remain supreme throughout the state ; for the
influence of Yale men in the pulpit, at the bar, in
^ Stiles calculated in 1774 that of the 158 Congregational ministers
in the state 131 were Yale men. Diary, II, 415.
REUGIOUS UPE OP YALE COLLEGE 23
medicine and in civil office cannot easily be over-
estimated. On the other hand, if unorthodox think-
ing and political liberalism were to saturate the
student body, a new r6gime in the life of the com-
monwealth would soon follow. There was, then, a
political struggle to gain the College, against which
the reform or opposition party were quick to level
their shafts, In part the reformers were successful
in forcing a compromise by which the Legislature
granted #40,000 to the College only in consideration
that the governor and lieutenant governor and six
assistants be admitted to the governing board.**
Liberalism in Yale might be traced back even as
far as 1722 when Rector Cutler and Samuel Johnson
left the Congregational fold to identify themselves
with the infant Anglican organization. While this
was an interesting revolt against the severe Cal-
vinism of the College which had been founded be-
cause of Harvard's weakening orthodoxy, a liberal
spirit was hardly evident until the time of the Great
Awakening.
Then Whitfield reported that, while he found
little religion in Yale, there was considerable inter-
est in his teaching. In 1745 Yale followed Har-
vard by formally denouncing Whitfield, and pre-
venting the students from hearing his sermons. As
" May, 1792; William L. Kingsley, Yale College, A Sketch of Us His-
tory, I, 108-109; Stiles, Diary, HI, 8; Franklin B. Dexter, Biographical
Sketches of the Graduates of Yale College, 1, 1. Material of value is to be
found in two pamphlets by Dr. Benjamin Gale, A Calm and Pull Vindi-
cation and A Reply to a Pamphlet', a Letter to a Member of the House, by
John Graham, and a Letter to An Honourable Gentleman of the Council-^
Board by Benjamin Trumbull.
24 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
the First Church of New Haven, then the com-
mon meeting-place of the students and townsmen,
was closed to him, he was compelled to speak on the
Green. Yet his teaching influenced the student
body, for a few became Separates despite the dis-
ciplinary attempts of President Clap, an extreme
anti-revivalist.*' Illustrative of this inquisitorial
policy, an attempt had been made in 1743 to
suppress a reprint of Locke's Letters on Toleration
which the senior class had printed at their own ex-
pense.'* In answer to a petition of certain parents
that their sons be allowed to attend an outside
church, if necessary under proctors. President Clap
pointed out that it was impracticable, for proctors
could not be relied upon, as only the governors of
the College could supervise and enforce discipline.
To clinch his argument, he asked if the college au-
thorities could be expected to punish students for
their failure to attend a Jewish synagogue, if there
were one in the vicinity, or an Arian church, when
they considered such service worse than none.
To avoid this difficulty and mcrease religious fervor,
the college church was established in 1756."
President Clap did his best to stay the inflow of
deistic thought by guarding against the entrance of
» Dexter, Biographical Sketches, 1, 771. II, 29, 149. Williston Walker,
Creeds and Platforms of Congregationalism, p. 497; H. B. Wright et aL,
Two Centttries of Christian Activity in Yale, pp. 19 ff.; Kinglsey, Yale
College, I, 77 flf.; George P. Fisher, Church of Christ in Yale, pp.
54flF.
•* Greene, Religious Liberty, pp. 260 ff.
^ Thomas Clap, The Religious Constittdion of Colleges, pp. 12 fit .; Dex-
ter, Biographical Sketches, II, 354.
>»'■■ _ L
REUGIOUS UPE OF YALE COLLEGE 25
heretical books into the library. This seems
strange in view of the Berkeley donation which the
president had himself once catalogued. However,
he refused a library from a Newport merchant in
schismatic Rhode Island, though Ezra Stiles remon-
strated with him:
It is true with this Liberty Error may be introduced; but
turn the Tables, the propagation of Truth may be extin-
guished. Deism has got such Head in the Age of Licentious
Liberty, that it would be in vain to try to stop it by hiding
the Deistical Writings: and the only Way left to conquer
and demolish it, is to come forth into the Field and Dispute
this matter on even Footing — ^the Evidences of Revelation
in my opinion are nearly as demonstrative as Newton's Prin-
dpia, and these are the Weapons to be used. Deism propa-
gates itself in America very fast, and on this Found, strange as
it may seem, is the Chh. of Engld built up in polite life. A
man may be an excellent chhman and yet a profound Deist.
While public popular Delusion is kept up by Deistical Priests,
sensible La3nnen despise the whole, and yet, strange Contra-
diction joyn it and entice others to joyn it also, ....
and they say all priests are alike, we all try to deceive Man-
kind, there is no Trust to be put in us. Truth and this alone
being our Aim in fact, open, frank, and generous we shall
avoid the very appearance of Evil.»«
Stiles, as has been noticed, could cite his own
religious experiences in proof of the efficiency of
open, rational refutation.
As the succeeding president. Stiles followed this
plan. He met with failure, the religious life of
the College becoming worse and worse; for he
seems to have been too much the scholar success-
** Stiles Ms8., letter, Aug. 6, 1779, quoted in Riley, American Phi"
lasophy, p. 216; Holmes, Stiles, p. 79.
•> - I • - t---.'.*- .
26 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
fully to reach the student body.'^ Some of the
subjects for the senior debates, noted in his Diary ^
suggest the thought of the College and the method
of refutation. Quite a list of these could be com-
piled, but a very few will serve our purpose:
'* Whether the Immortality of the Soul can be
proved by reason," '* Whether the historical parts
of the Bible are of Divine Inspiration," "Whether
there be anything contradictory to Reason in
Scripture," "Whether an unconverted man ought
to enter into the ministry," "Whether religion has
on the whole been of a benefit to mankind." Other
debates dealt with the granting of civil rights to
Catholics, to deists in religion and to libertines in
morals.'* Now the mere fact that these subjects
were considered debatable is enough to show an
interest in toleration for all men. Furthermore,
they suggest that in some minds deism had reached
the point of a menace to the state.
On D wight's accession to the presidency in 1795,
infidelity was rife, in spite of its rigorous punish-
ment. Denial of the Scriptures and propagation
of heresy were listed before blasphemy, robbery,
fornication, theft, forgery and duelling.'* While
the fear of expulsion must have prevented too
open a display of heresy, yet Lyman Beecher, writ-
ing of his undergraduate days, emphasized above
" Wright, Two Ceniuriesy pp. 45 flF.; Stiles, Diary y HI, 30, 439, 504;
Anson P. Stokes, Memorials of Eminent Yale Men, I, 53. Conditions
at Ring's College and Harvard were no better. William £. Channing,
Memoirs, I, 70.
«• stiles, Diary, II, 512. HI, 76, 123, 149, 167, '257, 267, 359.
»• SkUutes of Yale CoUege, 1795, 1808.
REUGIOUS UFE OF TALE COLLEGE 27
all else the prevalence of infidelity and the bravado
with which students used such names as Voltaire
and Rousseau.*® Nor were the faculty all religious
men, even if they did not parade unorthodox
views. Exemplary Tutor Silliman was regarded as
a deist, not professing Christianity until a revival in
1803 which Dr. Dwight's vigorous sermons and
crusading zeal had inspired. Roger M. Sherman,
shaken by Hume, was another who later waxed
enthusiastic on reading Edwards and hearing
Dwight. Uniting with the college church, he lived
ever afterward a Calvinist of the Edwardian type
and became a pillar of the Norwalk society.*^
Joel Barlow, a former army chaplain and candidate
for the ministry, whose beliefs were a matter of no
doubt, described the unreasoning attitude of the
authorities when, on meeting Silliman in London
shortly after Austerlitz, he expressed his satisfac-
tion on learning that chemistry had been added to
the curriculum, declaring that:
He would have sent out a chemical apparatus and prepa-
rations had he not supposed that, coming from him, the
college authorities would make a bonfire of them in the college
yard.**
Dwight waged an aggressive campaign against in-
fidelity.*' In his sermons he recounted the danger
*^ Auiobiograpkyy I, 43.
*^ George P. Fisher, Life of Benjamin Silliman, I, 49, 52, 84r-86;
Sketch of Sherman, pp. 6, 17; Dexter, Biographical Sketches, V, 41-45.
** Fisher, SiUiman, I, 22, 150. Cf. Dexter, Biographical Sketches,
IV, 4; Sixth of August Festival, p. 8.
^Fisher, Church of Christ, p. 25; Benjamin Silliman, Eulogium, p.
19; Wright, Two Centuries, p. 53; Dwight, Decisions of Questions, pp.
Ill flF.; Beecher, Autobiography, I, 43; Stokes, Memorials, I, 214^227.
28 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
to church, state, and morals, of the popular philoso-
phy, and in debate he encouraged free and open
discussion of religious doubts and perplexities,
thereby gaining an opportunity to refute points
raised by doubters. It was the same method that
Dr. Joseph Bellamy had pursued with his divinity
students. Prospective purchasers of his library had
been astounded on finding that most of his books
were of an irreligious character, until they learned
that he purchased and critically read them in
order to controvert their tenets.**
The efforts of president and faculty were telling.
As early as 1797 the students organized a Moral
Society to curtail swearing and gaming, and to
stimulate religion by earnest debate. The univer-
sal descent of man from Adam, necessity of divine
revelation, nature of miracles, truth of Scripture
proved frequent subjects for discussion.
Yet the democratic year 1 800-1 801 has been
generally considered the low mark, almost the
dead line, of Yale's Christianity. However this
may be, it was immediately followed by a revival,
with Yale and New Haven head^ing a religious
movement destined to sweep Connecticut and the
greater part of New England.** With great satis-
faction Dwight witnessed the formal conversion of
** Greene, Religious Liberty , pp. 410-412; Dexter, Biographical
Sketches, I, 523-529; Arthur Goodenough, The Clergy of Likhfield
County, p. 26.
* Goodrich, " Revivals of Religion in Yale College*' in Quarterly
Review, February, 1838; F. H. Foster, A Genetic History of New England
Theology, p. 279; Fisher, Church of Christ, pp. 33 ff., appendix, p. 82;
Wright, Two Centuries, pp. 55 ff.
I ■ ■ ■ IPI"
REUGIOUS UPE OP YALE COLLEGE 29
eighty men out of the total enrollment of one hun-
dred and sixty students. Silliman wrote to his
mother:
Yale College is a little temple, prayer and praise seem to
be the delight of the greater part of the students, while
those who are still unfeeling are awed into respectful silence.**
The Linonian and Brothers debating clubs were
transformed into centers of religious exhortation
and prayer. It was even said that the graduating
class, on separating, signed an agreement to pray
for one another on a certain hour of the day. Even
the unfriendly Bishop Asbury testified to a spirit of
religious enquiry among the students who, he
said, came "like other very genteel people" to
mock and deride, but were in the end affected.*^
Henceforth there was no danger of a pagan Yale,
though Congregationalism within Yale, as through-
out the state, remained militant during Dwight's
whole administration, with revivals in 1808, 18 13,
and 1815. Ini8i8, shortly after the election of
President Day, John M. Duncan of Glasgow, a
shrewd observer and Presbyterian of no uncertain
hue, found flourishing Moral, Missionary and
Bible Societies, and heard a professor hammering
away at Hume.*'
In stamping out irreligion, a partial critic would
incline to the view that President Dwight inciden-
^ Fisher, SilUmanf p. 83; ibid,, p. 33, for corroborative testimony
by Dr. Noah Porter. Cf . Payne H. Kilboume, Sketches and CkronicUs
of LiUhfield, pp. 144-145.
« Journal, HI, 66.
*• TraveU, I, 120, 148.
30 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
tally propagated the federalist system of politics,
which was only natural with federalism the politics
of the godly, and of the Standing Order in church
and state; and he was its clerical prophet. To a
rigid Congregational ist, a Democrat and a deist
were inseparable. Republicans were inclined to be
less charitable, charging Yale with being a "labora-
tory of church and state," a "Presbyterian manu-
factory," and an engine capable of much good, yet
busied in teaching boys that liberty is license, and
toleration is deism. "Pope" Dwight, as the presi-
dent was universally known by the Republicans,
was arraigned not, as Federalists declared, because
he preached Christianity, but because, an ardent
partisan, he preached politics.** Uwight's mission
in the College had been a success. Its seeds bore
greater fruit, his influence extending beyond the
academic walks to the most distant confines of the
state. The year 1801 marked a turning-point in
the religious tone of the community.
3. The Religious Revival after i8oi
The year 1801 witnessed the beginning of Jeffer-
son's administration, which soon dispelled the
worst forebodings of the orthodox Federalist party
of Connecticut. Meeting houses still stood, the
Bible was secure, and religion was no worse off,
even though an "atheist" sat in the presidential
** Republican address. Mercury, Apr. 2, 1816; Abraiiain Bishop,
Proofs of a Conspiracy, p. 48; Fisher, SiUiman, 1, 95. From a few com-
municants he brought the number up to 200 out of an enrollment of
283. Catalogue for 1817; Silliman, Eulogium, p. 19.
RELIGIOUS REVIVAL AFTER 1801 31
chair. Republicanism in office became so cau-
tiously conservative that one wonders if the genu-
ine "Jacobin" was not somewhat disappointed.
While the clergy decried Republicanism to the end,
it was not with their former violence or success, for
no one could longer be deluded with the idea that
Republicanism and evil were synonymous, es-
pecially as God-fearing Methodists and Baptists
were entering the Republican party. They then
proceeded to attack irreligion and its associated
sins directly rather than by belaboring the Repub-
lican party. In this they were more successful,
for the dissenters generally worked harmoniously
toward the same end.
One must qualify this harmony of action, for in
the strife for converts Baptists and Methodists not
infrequently attacked the Standing Order on the
grounds that as an undemocratic state church, sup-
ported by the forced contributions of the poor, it
gave rise to scandal leading to infidelity.*® The set-
tled ministers cringed, but retaliated. Accordingly,
while sectarian strife was never cast aside, all par-
ties realized that their most dangerous foes were
infidelity and irreligion.
The period after 1801 wi^jpessed a gradual rise in
the religious and moral life of the state. It was
then thoroughly appreciated that the two could
never be separated, and that irreligion and lack of
morality were concomitant.*^ With this axiom in
^ John Leland, Sermon (1801); Stanley Griswold, Oration, Sept. 13,
1803.
"Article on "Public Worship," Courani, Jan. 17, 1810; Beecher,
32 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
mind men set to work to establish religious socie-^
ties, to encourage revivals and to preach vigorously^
The foe became less open in its attack, for infidel-^
ity was becoming dishonorable and hence less bold ,
Deistic literature still flowed in the old channels,
but not unchallenged. Joel Barlow's sudden death
in 1 8 12 eliminated the leading native exponent of
French philosophy; and poor Tom Paine had died
in 1809 in disgrace and poverty with only a
few humble friends to follow his corpse to the
grave. Paine's end afforded comment for Federalist
newspaper paragraphs and texts for many a Sunday
sermon. With Paine passed away his already
dwindling influence.
During these years there were established four
societies which were destined to accomplish much in
the coming revival. The Connecticut Bible So-
ciety, among whose directors were the leaders of
the clergy and of the Federalist party, sent Bibles
to the western emigrants and frontiersmen." The
Connecticut Society for the Promotion of Good
Morals furthered the preaching of ** moral" sermons
(enforced where possible by the regulatory laws) and
campaigned against intemperance." The Domes-
tic Missionary Society for Connecticut and Vicin-
ity was chartered in 18 16 for the avowed purpose of
Sermon (1804), p. 17; Rev. Azel Backite, Sermon (1797), p. 9; Rev.
Elijah Wateiman, Sermon (1800), p. 36; Dwight, Sermon (1797), p.
18; Dana, Two Discourses ^ p. 54; Swift, System of the Laws, II, 323.
^Courant, May 15, 1811, and annual issues theieafter; Green's
Almanack and Register also gives the Ibt of directors for the different
years.
^ Courant, May 28, 1816.
REUGIOUS REVIVAL AFTER 1801 33
building up the waste places." The New England
Tract Society established a branch about the same
time. In accordance with this same charitable in-
terest in their fellowmen there was founded a Deaf
and Dumb School in Hartford, the first of its kind
in the United States." In all these endeavors
Federalist leaders were closely associated with the
prominent ecclesiastics. The names of Governor
John Cotton Smith, Governor John Tread well,
Henry Hudson, General Jedidiah Huntington,
Samuel Pitkin, Daniel Wadsworth, Tapping Reeve,
Roger Sherman, and many others of the same class
and sympathies recur on their lists of trustees.
This resulted in strong support for the clergy by
throwing the political, social, financial and bureau-
cratic forces on the side of the church. Needless to
say the alinement was unkindly criticized.
Revivals were encouraged, the Congregational
clergy cautiously following the lead of the Baptist
and Methodist enthusiasts," with the result that
there was a series of revivals, beginning with the
year 1801. While chiefly of a local character, those
of 1808 and 18 13 were of state- wide importance.
^CouratU, July 2, 1816. Hon. John Treadwell published under
their auspices A Summary of Christian Doctrine and Practice^ designed
especially }or the use of the people in the New Settlements (Hartford, 1804).
•» Courant, Oct. 22, Dec. 24, 1816, Mar. 25, May 20, 1817; The Port-
folio. III, 85, 122. Laurent Clerc, an instructor who had been trained
under Abb^ Sicard, described the institution, North American Review ,
VII, 127-136. Material can be found in the sketch of Thomas H. Gal-
laudet, in Henry Barnard, Memoirs of Teachers y Educators y etc., pp. 97-1 19.
** It is impossible to give full credit to the itinerant preacheis, for
their sermons rarely found their way into print. On the other hand,
the printed sermons of Congregational ministers are legion.
34 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Besides, there was the preaching of solemn, sober
and sound sermons by prominent divines. These
sermons fall into five classes: apologetic sermons,
direct onslaughts on infidelity, negative up-building
of sectarian orthodoxy by attacks on Rome, ser-
mons corrective of morals and sermons of the old
Calvinist type, long, orthodox and somber. Rev.
Abijah Wines discoursed on Human Depravity,
Rev. Ralph Emerson exhorted ministers to beware
of social life, to make everything secondary to the
pulpit and to teach, not worldly affairs but the
Gospel's lessons." Rev. Asahel Hooker's sermon
on the Use and Importance of Preaching the Distin-
guishing Doctrines of the Gospel is typical of the
last group. Among the apologetical preachers and
writers Dwight stood out foremost, with such dis-
courses as The Dignity and Excellence of the Gospel,
The Genuineness and A uthenticity of the New Testa-
ment, A Dissertation on the History, Eloquence, and
Poetry of the Bible, and The True Means of Establish^
ing Public Happiness. Lyman Beecher preached his
well-known sermon. The Government of God Desir-
able. Rev. James Dana of Center Church, New
Haven, preached on Christianity the Wisdom of
God, and There is no reason to be ashamed of the
Gospel. Rev. Ebenezer Marsh delivered an ora-
tion on the Truth of the Mosaic History of the Crea-
tion. The lexicographer, Noah Webster, wrote
eruditely on The Peculiar Doctrines of the Gospel
Explained and Defended. Bishop John Henry
Hobart of New York preached in Trinity Episcopal
^^ Sermon, May, 1816.
RELIGIOUS REVIVAL AFTER ISOl
35
Church, New Haven, on The Moral and Positive
Benefits of the Ordinances of the Gospel. This list
might be indefinitely extended, so voluminous
was the apologetic literature. Such sermons, one
should bear in mind, are indicative of religion on
the defensive. Ministers were forced to appeal to
reason, not fear, as in the past. It is unnecessary
to enumerate sermons illustrative of the primitive
Puritan's hatred of Rome, though even an
occasional address by men of the type of Timothy
Dwight and Nathan Strong might be cited. *•
Under Dwight's leadership the foremost preach-
ers expatiated on the dangerous fallacy of disbe-
lief. Rev. James Dana preached: The Folly of
Practical Atheism, and The Character of Scoffers;
Rev. John Griswold, The Triumph of the Wicked
and the Reign of Infidelity, and Rev. Noah Porter,
Deism in America. While Rev. William Ellery
Channing's sermons on Infidelity were delivered in
Boston, they were printed and widely circulated
in Connecticut. Azel and Charles Backus both
preached in like tenor. Others of less prominence
aided. They met with such successs that Chan-
ning could confidently declare in 1813 that irre-
ligion was on the decline."
Among the most noteworthy sermons were those
delivered under the auspices of the Moral Society.
Rev. Lyman Beecher probably achieved the largest
distinction. In a sermon delivered in 1803, The
»• Dwight, in a mildly patriotic Sermon, July 23, 1812; Strong, Ser-
mon, July 23, 1812.
»• Two Sermons, Oct. 24. 1813, p. 7.
36 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
PracticabilUy of Suppressing Vice, by Means of
Societies instituted for that Purpose, he described
organizations in England and in parts of Massachu-
setts, Maryland and Pennsylvania, and enlarged
upon the need of improvement in Connecticut, giv-
ing the following gloomy, but rather overdrawn
sketch :
The vices which have destroyed other nations are alarm-
ingly prevalent in our own. From a variety of causes, irre-
ligion hath become in all parts of our land, alarmingly
prevalent. The name of God is blasphemed; the bible is
denounced; the sabbath is profaned; the worship of God is
neglected; intemperance hath destroyed its thousands, and
is preparing the destruction of its thousands more; while
luxury, with its diversified evils, with a rapidity unparalleled,
is spreading in every direction, and through every class.^®
This was supplemented by his discourse on The
Government of God Desirable, his best known ser-
mon, A Reformation of Morals Practicable and In-
dispensable, and another of constructive rather than
destructive criticism. The Building of Waste Places,
which led to the establishment of the Domestic
Missionary Society. In every one of them he pre-
sented too dark an outlook, emphasizing the dan-
gers of irreligion. Sabbath-breaking, intemperance,
and other moral shortcomings. His point of view
was necessary to arouse a new conscience.
Rev. Noah Porter hewed along the same path,
beseeching a return to Sabbath observance and to
the morality, industry, sobriety and peace of the
past. His sermon. Perjury Prevalent and Danger-
ous, must have shocked his auditors. Primarily
•* Beecher, Sertnon (1804), p. 19.
REUGIOUS REVIVAL AFTER 1801 37
its purpose was to demonstrate the inefficiency of
the oaths of atheists, deists, and universalists ; it
indicated that there was among some people an
easy attitude toward oath-taking. Rev. Dr. Philip
Doddridge printed an old-fashioned dissertation, a
Plain and Serious Address to the Master of a Family
on the Important Subject of Family Religion. Rev.
James Beach was heard on the Immoral and Per-
nicious Tendency of Error, in which he decried
those who countenanced the most invidious at-
tacks upon religion and morality in the way of
Sabbath violations.
Some pastors thundered against the all too prev-
alent intemperance, with drinking nearly univer-
sal and dram shops everywhere." The temperance
societies were organized about 1815. Others fu-
tilely called upon the officers and electors of the
state to enforce the long-neglected moral laws.
Dwight and Beecher condemned duelling, a prac-
tice to which Alexander Hamilton's death in 1804
had drawn national attention."
•^ An "Address to the Churches and Congregations of the Western
district of Fairfield" gave statistics showing a national consumption
of seven and a third gallcms of ardent spirits for persons over six years
of age. Samuel Orcutt, History of TorringloHy p. 204; David D. Field,
History of Haddam, p. 10; Sarah £. Hughes, History of East Haven, p.
100; Lamed, Windham County, II, 414; Loomis and Calhoun, The
Judicial and Civil History of Connecticut, p. 55; Theodore Dwight,
History of Connecticut, pp. 440-441; Duncan, Travels, II, 322-323;
cf. Charles Francis Adams, Three Episodes of Massachusetts History,
II, 783-794. One is astounded at the number of distilleries and re-
tailers of liquors. Samuel Church, Address at Litchfield (1851), p. 68;
Pease and Niles, Connecticut Gazetteer, pp. 36, 37, 43, 101, 143.
*'Rev. Aaron Dutton, Sermon (1815); Rev. Simon Backus, Sermon
(1804); Rev. William Lyman, Sermon (1806); Swift, System of the Ijiws,
38 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
The efforts of the ministry were not unavailing,
though often misdirected, for they were not intui-
tively aware of the changes going on about them.
This was well illustrated in their antagonistic atti-
tude toward the so-called fashionable pleasures,
such as balls, dancing, the drama, theatrical pre-
sentations, wax shows, or travelling lions. They
were inclined to look backward to the Puritan
fathers around whom a legend had grown, only to
canonize them by comparison with their descend-
ants, who saw less sin in enjoying themselves and
in ignoring various Sabbatical laws. Clerical in-
terests and training were too localized to give them
a broad visionary view of the future; yet in hold-
ing up the "ideal Puritan," these clergymen set
a standard of ethics and religion which offered
a stimulating corrective to their people. The
competition of the dissenting sects and fear of
infidelity aroused the Congregationalist and revived
the religious spirit.
Such was the condition when complete toleration
was guaranteed in 1818. At the time it was
feared that this would be injurious to religion, or
rather to Congregationalism, but the future deter-
mined otherwise. Rev. Lyman Beecher spoke orac-
ularly: "But truly we do not stand on the con-
fines of destruction. The mass is changing. We
are becoming another people.""
n, 325-327. Others felt that the "blue laws" were not relaxed. Dun-
can, Travels, II, 118; Lamed, Windham County, II, 225.
^Autobiography, I, 261.
the uberauzing op calvinism 39
4. The Liberalizing of Calvinism
Contemporary with the growth of infidelity there
was a liberalizing movement which looked toward
the development of a sort of modernist "nominal
Christianity." It came as a result of the increasing
spirit of toleration and as a protest against the
severe Calvinism of the fathers. Many were living
up to a self-imposed Christian standard without
identifying themselves with any of the diverse
sects. Beecher described them as men who ac-
cepted ** moral sincerity" as the counterpart of
grace; and Stiles, whose own toleration allowed
him to meet as friends men of any or no creed,
characterized these disinterested, passive Chris-
tians as "stay-at-home Protestants."** They were
men who agreed with the Anglican Bishop War-
burton that "Orthodoxy is my doxy, and hetero-
doxy is another man's doxy."
This building of a bulwark of nominal Chris-
tianity outside church walls was one result of the
dread of atheism to which Zephaniah Swift gave
utterance in that first American law text, A System
of the Laws of the State of Connecticut (1795) :
The being of a God is so universally imposed on the
human mind, that it seems unnecessary to guard against a
denial of it by human laws. Atheism is too cold and comfort-
less, to be a subject of popular belief.
In another chapter he succinctly expressed the
new tendency:
Men begin to entertain an idea, that religi- n was not in-
stituted for tlie purpose of rendering them miserable, but
•• Diofy. in. 67.
40 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
happy, and that the innocent enjoyments of life are not
repugnant to the will of a benevolent God. They believe
there is more merit in acting right than in thinking right;
and that the condition of men in a future state will not be
dependent on the speculative opinions they may have
adopted in the present.^*
This was carrying to its logical conclusion the
doctrine of private judgment with which the most
orthodox would have concurred. Thus Rev.
James Dana wrote:
Well informed protestants are at length generally agreed in
allowing to all the right of private judgement, which is the
basis of the reforaiation, and the only principle upon which
Christianity can be defended.**
It was a logical conclusion, but one to which a
Congregationalist of the old stamp could not be
expected to subscribe. Rev. Elijah Waterman
grieved that:
The stem virtues, the resolute and sober system of con-
duct which marked the progress of our Fathers, are now
softening down and wearing into a mechanical smoothness
of behaviour, and what is infinitely more pernicious, a de-
bilitated and unresisting pliancy of principle and morals.*'
Rev. James Beach feared the dangerous compro-
mise between the friends of error and irreligion who
baited others with the saying: "It is no matter
what men believe; if they are but sincere in their
belief. "•• Judge Samuel Church would hesitate to
•• System oj the Laws, I, 145. 11, 322.
•• Two Discourses f p. 12.
^Sermon (1800), p. 37.
^Sermon (1806), p. 16.
THE UBERAUZING OF CALVINISM 41
credit the oath of a man who habitually absented
himself from the public worship of God.*'
Rev. Dr. Holmes of Cambridge wrote in 1811 to
John Cotton Smith :
A religion under the flattering yet imposing name of ra-
tional is substituted for the religion of the cross. Mysteries
are exploded. Christianity, it is conceded, ought to be be-
lieved in general; while it would seem, nothing need be
believed in particular. As a whole it is worthy of all ac-
ceptation; but the several parts which compose it may be
rejected ad libitum. Religious opinions are different; and it
is no matter what a man believes, provided he acted right.
. . . . While it tolerates with the utmost benignity all
the innovations of the Priestteian school, it brands with op-
probrium the tenets of the Puritans.^*
Such was the half-way point where many found
themselves as a result of the conflict between infi-
delity and Calvinism, and to which a near-sighted
but well-meaning minister might point in refuting
infidelity by emphasizing only the essentials of
Christianity. The sermon, An Enquiry into the
State of the Churches, by Rev. Samuel P. Williams,
illustrates this to perfection:
Good men may differ about the best form and place of
religious conference; but / am bold in Christ to say, good men
cannot soberly differ about the utility and pleasure of re-
ligious conference of some form.^'
Such a throwing-down of the sectarian bars nat-
urally resulted in un-churching many people. The
old-fashioned doctrines were being relegated to the
•• Rev. Jonathan A. Wainwright, Discourse (1867), pp. 25-26.
^0 Andrews, John Cotton SmUh, pp. 67-68.
« P. 13.
42 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
background. The preachers of such doctrines
were unpopular. This was the condition which
caused the Rev. Mr. Andrews of Windham to select
the text, " I am afraid of you, lest I have bestowed
on you labor in vain," for his retirement sermon,
which overflowed with the tragic discouragement of
the helpless, but blameless old man.'* It was this
tendency to cater to the popular desire, to shade
over the harsh doctrines of the fathers and to
preach a "moderate Calvinism" that Jonathan
Edwards, Jr. thundered against in his calls for a
converted ministry, the plain preaching of the
Gospel, and less practical and more religious ser-
mons. '• Edwards fought a life-long losing battle;
for time and the new spirit were opponents too
powerful even for his steel. Nor was Lyman
Beecher to be more successful in his demand that
ministers be not timid in preaching doctrines
which offend or in enforcing church discipline for
fear of parish stability lest they further the cause
of infidelity.
Congregationalism was becoming less rigid and
harsh and more humanistic. The names of Jona-
than Edwards the elder, Samuel Hopkins, Joseph
Bellamy, Edwards the younger, Stiles, Dwight
and Beecher mark the milestones of this evolution.'*
"Rev. J. E. Tyler, HistorUal Discourse, pp. 24-26.
"^ Sermon (1795).
'* Foster, Genetic History , ch. xii, and Williston Walker, Creeds and
Platforms of Congregationalism have been of assistance.
iu ei L— .
congregational church membership 43
5. An Estimate of the Congregational Church
Membership
It is impossible to estimate the number of deists
or of non-church goers. This is not strange when
one takes into consideration that atheists and
deists were classed with felons who, on conviction
of denying God, the Scriptures, or the Trinity, were
disabled from holding any office, civil, ecclesiastical
or military and, if convicted a second time, were
deprived of their judicial rights.'* As there do not
seem to have been any convictions, although there
were numbers who might easily have been appre-
hended through informers, the law probably re-
mained a dead-letter. In accordance with the
statute of 1784, all residents who did not deposit
a certificate of their dissent with the clerk of the
ecclesiastical society in which they dwelt were Con-
gregationalists, though at heart they might be
deists. Unitarians, 6r atheists. This situation is,
of course, characteristic of any community with a
state-church.
President Stiles estimated in 1794 that, of the
eighty-five nominees for Assistants, one-third were
Revelationists, one-third doubtful and the last
third deists. Of the eighty-five, only about thirty-
six were religious characters, the rest being Gallios,
as some maliciously noted. Certainly, he added,
too many were of doubtful religion and virtue,
while some were of flagitious morals.'* Occa-
'^ Statutes of Conn. (1808), p. 296; Swift, System of the Laws, 11,
320.
^ Diary, HI, 546.
44 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
sionally one runs across estimates In pastors* ser-
mons of the number of active parishioners and con-
versions, from which one may arrive at superficial
estimates by comparison with the known popula-
tion of the town. These may or may not be repre-
sentative towns, or representative years. New
Haven in 1787 had three Congregational societies
and one Episcopal church, with an enrollment of
about thirty-one per cent of the population or
about twenty-six per cent for Congregationalists
alone.'' Salisbury, a town of 2,266 people in 1800,
had no organized churches for Methodists, Bap-
tists or Universalis ts ; and from 1812 to 1818 there
was no settled Congregationalist minister, so that
the religious life must have fallen to a low level.
In 1800 its pastor counted twenty-eight males and
fifty-two females, giving a total church membership
of about nine per cent.'® In 1800 only about sixteen
per cent of Windham's population of 2,644 were
active Congregationalists.'* Rev. Noah Porter of
Farmington, in a sermon in 1821, spoke of the in-
difference of that society for the past twenty years,
with no revival since 1800 and with the lamentably
small average of ten persons joining the society each
year by profession or letter out of a population of
2,000.*° In this connection one should recall the
"Stiles, Sermon, July 24, 1787.
^^ Chuich, Historical Address (1841), p. 29; Rrv. Josq)h Grossman,
Sermon (1803), pp. 17-18.
^» Waterman, Sermon (1800), p. 38.
*^ Discourse (1821), p. 6. These records are good compared
with the figures Stiles gave in 1769 for Plainfield, Stonington, New
London, Norwich, Preston, and Lyman, where only from ^ to
CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH MEMBERSHIP 45
condition of Congregationalism in Yale which,
while to some extent national in scope, was pretty
representative of the Connecticut Valley.
These figures are incomplete, but accurate enough
to speak volumes. They sketch too dark a picture
of Congregationalism as measured by results, but
are indicative of the inroads of nothingarianism and
of dissent. They seem to bear out an estimate, that
hardly one-third of Connecticut was more than
Presbyterian-Congregational in name; for, as we
shall see, the dissenters were quite one-third of the
total population. These ratios explain why the
Old Order was doomed to defeat in spite of its
splendid political organization, once dissenter joined
forces with this large neutral body of nominal Con-
gregationalists. It was this group of independent
voters, if one may use present-day nomenclature,
which carried the day for broad toleration.
\ were church members of any kind. F. B. Dexter, Exit acts from
the Itineraries of Esra StileSj pp. 298 ff.
I ■ ^ ■^ i"-'^ aBBBhB»Bih
CHAPTER II
I. The Protestant Episcopal Church
nPHIS period which we have just been consider-
^ ing was also marked by an astonishing
growth of dissent. While there may have been an
occasional Quaker or Church of England man in
the commonwealth from the beginning, and while
dissent dated from the establishment of the Angli-
can church in Stratford, dissent did not become
widespread until after the Revolution. Connecti-
cut as characterized by one form of church govern-
ment, that of the Congregationalists alone, was to
be no more. State and church were no longer
to be composed of the same persons, citizens and
church members. The Anglican was followed by
the schismatic Strict Congregationalist, by the
Baptist, and finally by the Methodist. Quakers
remained in small numbers; Universal is ts entered
the field; regular Presbyterians were represented;
Unitarians existed outside the law; and in fact
every English Protestant sect found place within
the state. Naturally, their entrance was opposed
by the religious body so long possessed of exclusive
control of religion within the colony. As Judge
Samuel Church wrote: "A history of intermingling
sects has generally been little else than a history
of unchristian contentions.'*^ Connecticut, as he
was well aware, proved no exception to this rule.
' Church, Historical Address^ p. 37.
46
TEE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH 47
On the part of the dissenters it was a fight first
for existence, then for toleration, and finally for
complete religious liberty.
Equal rights were not granted until the dis-
senter united with the non-believer and the mal-
content Republican to control a working majority
of the popular vote. Therefore, it is essential to
sketch briefly the various dissenting groups in order
to gain an idea of their grievances and numerical
strength. The Anglican church may be consid-
ered first because of its position of greatest respect-
ability in the eyes of the Standing Order and
because of its priority in point of time. I shall
then take up in order the Separatists, Baptists,
Methodists, and the smaller religious bodies.
The Church of England in Connecticut was in-
augurated by the conversion of Rector Timothy
Cutler of Yale College and that of his tutors. Rev.
Samuel Johnson and Rev. Daniel Browne in 1722.
They were all excused from further college service,
for their "apostacy" stirred the colony to its depths
and resulted in intensely bitter criticism.* In 1724
the first Anglican church was opened at Stratford
with Dr. Johnson as its pastor. Insignificant as
were these Anglican beginnings, they aroused an-
tagonism and bitter persecution extending over
several years. Churchmen were compelled to pay
a tithe to the Congregational parish in which they
' Rev. E. Edwards Beardsley, The History of the Episcopal Church in
Connecticui, I, 32, 42, 63; Sanford H. Cobb, The Rise of Religious Liberty
in America, p. 268; Stokes, Memorials, I, 13-15; Dexter, Biographical
SkeUhes, I.
fm
48 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
dwelt on p)enalty of imprisonment or distraint of
goods.* Connecticut must indeed have seemed a
strange place to the Anglican who found himself
the dissenter, the persecuted and the payer of a
tithe to an unfriendly establishment. There is
pathos as well as humor in the early complaints
against a legal system, which prevented any re-
ligious assembly not conformable to the establish-
ment or the Act of Toleration and which fined
persons neglecting public worship and meeting in
private houses twenty shillings, and unlawful
ministers twenty pounds.*
The Anglicans were in an excellent position to
force the issue by an appeal to the crown if neces-
sary, especially as the home government was then
hostile to charter colonies. The Legislature, aware
of this, answered a petition of the Fairfield County
Episcopalians with remedial legislation.*^ This act
of 1727 gave Anglicans who had an organized
society within a reasonable distance, even if in
another state, the privilege of declaring themselves
members and of taxing their membership for the
support of their own minister and church. Thus
they were freed from further attendance at the
services of the established church, and from pay-
ing a tithe for the maintenance of its ministry. If,
however, there was no Anglican society within a
» Beardsley, Episcopal Church, I, 52, 59-61.
< Conn. Col. Records, VI, 248 ; Swift, SysUm of the Laws, I, 140 ; Paul
£. Laurer, Church and State in New England, pp. 85-87.
» Conn. Col. Records, VII, 106-108; Swift, System oj the Laws, I, 140;
Laurer, Church and State, pp. 85-87; Henry Bronson, History of Water-
hury, p. 316; Alexander Johnston, Connecticut, p. 236.
THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH 49
reasonable distance, a churchman was legally rated
as a Congregationalist ; in other words he was
reckoned a tithe payer and church attendant. The
illiberal interpretation of a reasonable distance such
as two miles, meant that too few Anglicans were
actually benefited. The law defeated the pur-
pose of its framers, for it stimulated Anglican growth.
He would be a lukewarm churchman who, taxed
for religion, would not prefer to support his own
rather than the dissenter's church. This act was
the first step toward toleration, even though enacted
for the sake of "fear and policy." Judge Swift
realized this when he wrote:
This accidental circumstance produced this exemption,
at a much earlier period, than it would have happened,
if the same religious sect had governed in England and
Connecticut.*
The years following 1727 saw a rapid advance,^
preachers like Samuel Seabury, Sr., and John Beach
going over to Episcopacy. Ezra Stiles was es-
pecially uncharitable to the latter whom he de-
scribed as a ''high Churchman and a high Tory"
whose sole aim in life was the conversion of
** Heathen Presbyterians." The revival of the dec-
ade of 1740 and the schism in Congregationalism
encouraged Anglican growth and lessened the oppo-
sition, much of which was being directed toward
* System of the Lawsy I, 140.
7 Stiles, Diary, III, 12; Dexter, Biographical Sketches, I, 239-244;
Beardsley, Episcopal Churchy I, chs. 7, 8, 9; Bronson, Waterhwry, pp.
294-310; Rev: John Avery, History of the Town of Ledyard, pp. 46-48;
Rev. J. W. Alvord, Historical Address (1842), p. 24; Ralph D. Smith,
The History of GuUford, p. 10^.
50 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: I77S-I818
the schismatics. Churches were established in
Stamford, in Guilford where later a number of Con-
S^egationaiists resided, in Litchfield, in Middletown,
and finally in Waterbury where at first the Legis-
lature blindly rejected a petition for parish privi-
leges even after the construction of the church
building.
This advance was not viewed complacently by
the Standing Order, who opposed it with a mean-
spirited, petty persecution, social and political when
not legal. The town of Cornwall in 1752 actually
suerl one of its citizens "for damages for breaking
the covenant, and conforming to the Church
of England,** and was awarded a judgment for
fifteen pounds.* The tithe system administered
by the 'Vestry*' of the established society in the
interest of that body was bound to work hard-
ship. When a man severed coimections with his
society, he was an apostate to the creed of his
fathers and a dodger of the support of the Gospel.
Obstinate refusal to pay a tithe meant distraint of
property or even hard labor enforced by corporal
punishment or imprisonment.* Such treatment
gave rise to charges of persecution, more often no
doubt than circumstances warranted.
The Church of England grew steadily until the
days of the Revolution, aided as it was by. the
active support of the Society for the Propagation
' Wain Wright, Historical Discourse, p. 12; Beardsley, Ecclesiastical
History of Connecticut, I, 200.
• J<Mq>h P. Beach, History of Cheshire, p. 120; Albert C. Bates,
Ruofds of Rev. Roger Viets, p. 5; Beccher, Autobiography, 1, 342; George
Baiitow, The History of New Hampshire, p. 425.
THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH 51
of the Gospel and the London Missionary Soci-
ety. The Missionary Society, employing "In-
trigue and vigorous exertion to get a Footing,"
supported missionaries, and an occasional school-
master. It made donations to the small churches
scattered throughout Connecticut, the greater
part of them being unable to support a min-
istry if left unaided, especially those of Litchfield
County. In 1773 Stiles noted that there were fif-
teen ministers and thirty-one churches, whereas
in 1 752 there had been but eight clergymen and six-
teen churches. >® He considered this only a natural
increase which augured no prospect of "Episcopiz-
ing" Connecticut. Outside support was naturally
frowned upon, for it was felt that there might be a
political motive hidden behind the religious.
New Haven became the seat of an Episcopal
society about 1755. Although a clergyman was
early established, there were only ninety-one mem-
bers some seven years later. New Haven proved
as barren soil for Anglican growth as for the Bap-
tist and Methodist propaganda of later years, re-
fusing to donate or sell a church site to Dr. Samuel
Johnson. ^^ Aside from the erection of a church
in Bristol about 1760, the establishment of a small
society in Middle Haddam and another at Pomfret,
there was no advance until after the Revolution."
Of the beginning of the Pomfret congregation,
" Goodcnough, Clergy of Litchfield, p. 154; Stiles, Diary, I, 359-393.
" Dwight, SkUistical Account, p. 43; Duncan, Travels, I, 113; Beards-
ky, Episcopal Church, I, 65, 172, 198.
^ FiM, Statistical Account, p. 62; Rev. Noah Porter, Discourse (1821),
p. 70.
52 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Stiles has left an interesting account which is valu-
able in illustrating the method of proselytizing.
Colonel Godfrey Marlbone, an Oxford graduate,
owned five thousand acres of land in the town of
Brooklyn and, as his father before him had done,
paid a heavy tithe to the settled society. At
length he refused to pay his fourth of an assess-
ment for a new church and, supported by the
Bishop of London, he determined to build an
Anglican chapel. Among his tenants and neigh-
bors some ninety families (of whom a third had
been Congregationalists) were glad to enroll in a
society so well endowed. One can not but query
if such conversions were not due to economic rather
than to religious discontent."
In 1760 there were sixteen churches with es-
tablished clergymen and ten vacancies, while in
1773 there were only fifteen ministers and thirty-
one societies. In Fairfield Coimty, where the
Episcopalians were strongest, it was estimated that
in 1773 they made up a third of the population.
In Newtown, for instance, the Episcopalians
equaled the Congregationalists in number. Rev.
Elizur Goodrich, the Congregational minister at
Durham, after a careful survey estimated the
Anglicans in 1774 ^^ one- thirteenth of the state's
population. ^*
^ Diary, I, 30-31, 93-94. Cf. Charles F. Sedgwick, History of
. . . Sharon J p. 98, and Rev. Herman R. Timlow, Ecclesiastical and
other sketches of Southington, pp. 190-191.
^ Stiles, Discourse (1761), pp. 135-138; Beardsley, Episcopal Church,
pp. 286-288; Ezra Stiles, Itineraries, pp. 110 ff.
THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH 53
The position of the Anglican church during the
war could not be more precarious.^^ Its desire
for a bishop and its connection with the Missionary
Society were pretexts rather than valid reasons
for a renewed attack by those who still lived in fear
of a Laud. As British support was withdrawn,
missionary endeavors ceased. The missionaries
were quite English in sympathy; the interests of
the permanent clergy, if not of their parishioners,
were more closely related to the crown than to
the colony. It is hard to conceive of a true church-
man other than a loyalist. The Declaration of
Independence found him again at Nottingham.
Ezra Stiles was certain that all Anglicans shared
the royalist views of the Rev. Mr. Peters, 'The
infamous Chh. Parson of Hebron," only diflFering
in degree.^* Some of the clergy emigrated by way
of New York, while others obeyed the wiser counsel
of men like William Samuel Johnson, patriot and
churchman, and remained quiet while their people
followed a course of unoffending neutrality.^^
Rev. Samuel Seabury, an avowed loyalist and at one
time chaplain of the loyalist regiment under Colonel
Edmund Fanning, was seized at Westchester, New
York, by Connecticut raiders and imprisoned for
» Beardsley, Episcopal Church, 1, 301 fiF.; Dexter, Biographical Sketches,
III, 264; Conn. Historical Society, C(?//a:/m?»5,I, 213;Major Christopher
French, Journal, July, 1776; Charles H. Davis, History of Walling ford,
pp.301 ff.; Church, Historical Address, p. 32; Charles B. Todd, History
of Redding, p. 105; Bronson, Waterbury, pp. 301, 330; Rev. Joseph
Anderson, The Town of Waterbury, I, 654-656; Stiles, Diary, II, 5-6.
»• Peters of Blue-Law fame. Diary, II, 128.
" Beardsley, Episcopal Church, I, 301, 311.
aeas
54 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: J775-Jifl8
a time in New Haven." Missionaries were sub-
jected to scrupulous surveillance and hard treat-
ment. Some churches were closed by parsons who
could not reconcile the forced omission of the
prayer for royalty with their canonical oath.
Rector Abraham Jarvis was compelled by threats
to suspend services, while other ministers, not dar-
ing to read the service nor to appear in their sacer-
dotal vestments, contented themselves with read-
ing from the Bible on Sundays. In Salisbury all
teaching was silenced and the church was turned
into a military prison, while the Sharon church
was converted into a barracks, even as the
Roundheads had once converted "Paul's Church,**
London. The royal prerogative removed, Angli-
cans learned that legal toleration meant little
unless enforced by public sentiment and the police
power. Later Episcopalian writers have been in-
clined to minimize the Tory sympathies of their
church during the crisis, and accuse the Puritans
of allowing sectarianism and pent-up hatred free
play under the guise of patriotism. In a word the
Church of England barely lived through these
days.i*
At the close of the Revolution the Church of
England was quite discredited. The Congrega-
tionalist patriot saw in it only Toryism of the
*• Stokes, Memorials f I, 46-47; Dexter, Biographical Sketches y II,
179 flF.
" Bates, Rev. Roger Viets, p. 6; Todd, Reddir^g^ p. 105; Stiles, Diary ^
II, 45-46; Dexter, Biographical Sketches ^ II, 701 flF.; Sedgwick, Sharon^
pp. 61-63; Wainwright, Historical Discourse^ pp. 18-20; Beardsley,
Episcopal Church, I, 317 ff.
THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH 55
deepest hue as his fear of Episcopacy seemed to grow
with his jealousy for America's newly won liberties.
If a man of the breadth of Stiles regarded Episco-
pacy with abhorrence and its ritual as a system of
worship which deists and immoral men might
conscientiously follow, what were the views of the
ordinary layman?*®
The reorganization of the Anglican church as
the Protestant Episcopal church of America did
much to lessen popular hostility. This severance
of institutional dependence upon England was man-
ifest because of the difficulty which the first Amer-
ican bishop, Samuel Seabury, found in obtaining
consecration. He was finally forced to seek orders
from^ non-juring Scottish bishop";*^ Then the di-
vorce from the London Missionary Society, which
cared only for the conversion of his Majesty's sub-
jects, removed another popular grievance. How-
ever, enough annoyance was kept up to encourage
the church's growth and inspire its members.
In 1 791 the Legislature passed a supplementary
"Act to enforce the observance of days of public
fasting and Thanksgiving." Labor of a servile
character and all forms of recreation were forbidden
on such days designated by the governor, under the
penalty of a fine of from one to two dollars. Con-
sidering this statute in the light of the habit of
naming feasts on Episcopal fast days and vice
versa, the cry of persecution does not seem a fancy.
^ Diary, II, 113. Ill, 235; Dexter, Biographicn^ Sketches, IV, 375.
" Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of the Ri. Rev. Samtid Seabury;
Bronson, Waterhury, p. 301.
■^-.'tT a
■aaassssemm
56 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
This grievance was of short duration ; for Governor
Huntington, a personal friend of the bishop, named
Good Friday as the annual fast day in 1795. This
tactful precedent was followed again in 1797, giv-
ing the custom permanent establishment." Bishop
Seabury himself was at fault inasmuch as his
affected signature of * 'Samuel, Bishop of Connecti-
cut," seemed to give point to the old imputation
of episcopal aggressive and autocratic manners."
Then his church in New London aroused suspicions
of its good Americanism by refusing to celebrate
Washington's Thanksgiving Proclamation of 1795
because it fell in the Lenten season. To men of
Puritan traditions this refusal appeared to be a
quibbling pretext.
From the time of the reorganization of the Prot-
estant Episcopal church to the War of 1812 num-
bers increased; churches were built; new societies
were organized ; and the Churchman's Monthly Mag-
azine was founded.** The Standing Order was
brought to the point of recognizing the Episcopal as
the second church in the state. Its ministers were
men of education. Yale recognized this for the first
time when, in 1793, a Doctor of Divinity degree was
conferred upon an Episcopal clergyman. Their
second bishop. Rev. Abraham Jarvis, like the first,
was a Yale man, and sent his son to Yale. Episco-
^ Statutes (1808), p. 285; Greene, Religious Liberty, p. 378; William
De Loss Love, Fasts and Thanksgivings of New England, pp. 346-361.
" Address of Episcopal Clergy to Bishop Seabury and his answer, in
Yale Miscellaneous Sermons, IV, Nos. 11, 12.
•* Beardsley, Episcopal Church, II,
yrrmeBsss^mm^
THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH 57
palians were becoming influential in the business
life of the state.**^
By 1 791 the number of clergymen had increased
from ten to twenty. Ten years later the number
of ministers was thought to be about twenty, with
sixteen pluralities and seventeen vacancies as a
record of churches. In 18 10 Dwight estimated the
number of churches or societies at sixty-one. This
is the more remarkable when we remember that
this strength was centered in six of the eight
counties. Litchfield early heard Anglican preach-
ing, but not until 1784 was there a legally organized
society in its midst, and then the growth was slow
enough. Windham County, in 1807, could only
count one Episcopal church among its forty-one
societies though the Baptists had thirteen and
the Methodists four.**
Brookfield established an Episcopal society in
1785, fifty-five men having seceded from the estab-
lished church. Three years later came the first
rupture in the East Haven church when a number
certified themselves Episcopalians rather than share
the burden of a twenty pounds* increase in the
minister's salary. By 181 1 a church and school
were built. In 1790 churches were organized in
Hamden, Burlington, and Southington; and a score
**Ncw Haven Historical Society, Papers, III, 423; Mercury , Dec.
26, 1805; Beardsley, Episcopal Church, II, 27; Dexter, Biographical
Sketches, H, 701-706.
•• Stiles, Diary, III, 151; Leland, Dissenters* Strong Box, p. 14;
Trumbull, Sermon (1801), p. 16; Dwight, Travels, IV, 444 ff.; George C.
Woodruff, History of the Town of Litchfidd, p. 27; Lamed, Windham
County, II, 391.
58 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 177 5-18 IS
of Congregationalists of Haddam were "converted"
because of a momentous dispute over the location
of a new church building. After i8oo strong
parishes were formed at Killingworth, Kent, and
Norwich. New Haven, though far from a favor-
able center, offers a good example of this growth.
With only ninety-five Episcopalians to four hundred
and fifty-nine Congregationalists on the official tax
lists in 1787, it was estimated by the minister of
Center Church in 1800 that there were two hundred
and twenty-six Episcopal as compared with four
hundred and seventy-one Congregationalist families.
This was a decidedly favorable advance.*^
The Episcopal church suffered again in the War
of 1 81 2 because of its alleged English sympathy,
strange as this may seem in view of the dubious
patriotism of the state. This bigotry in the guise
of patriotism was particularly odious.
With 1 81 5 a new period of progress began. The
building of Trinity Church, New Haven, marked
an epoch, for it was regarded as the most imposing
church edifice in New England, and as such won the
applause of all but the most orthodox.** Churches
were erected here and there, where previously strug-
gling societies had to be content with a temporary
" Sarah E. Hughes, History of East Haven^ under 1788; Pierce, History
of Brookfieldf p. 20; William P. Blake, History of . . . . Hamdetiy
p. 192; Porter, Historical Address ^ pp. 68 ff.; Field, Haddam and East
Haddam f p. 39; Field, Statistical Account^ p. 113; Francis Atwater,
History of Kent, p. 68; Frances M. Caulkins, History of Norwich^ p.
322; Stiles, Sermon, July 24, 1787; Dana, Two Discourses, pp. 65 ff.
*• Pease and Niles, Gazetteer , p. 103; Beardsley, Episcopal Church,
n, 110, 124.
' ^ ■ H4, ' — - ■
THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH 59
meeting house or some private dwelling. Yet
John Crewse chosen as bishop by the convention
of 1815, apparently refused the honor because of
the uncertainty of an adequate "living"; and not
until 1819 was Bishop Brownell consecrated.** In
181 7 an older society was reorganized as the Protes-
tant Episcopal Society for the Promotion of
Christian Knowledge.*®
The Congregational revival of 18 16 caused an
anti-Episcopal outburst. An illustration is to be
found in the fact that Center Church, New Haven,
tried to put the odium of expulsion on a member
who joined the Episcopal fold.*^ Episcopacy was
attacked for the sake of re-awakening Congrega-
tional enthusiasm. Ultimately the net result was
an increase in the number of churchmen. These
attacks are accounted for by the more aggressive
stand which the churchmen were taking, and
because of their leaning toward the Republican
party. Here again the church-state adherents
were short-sighted, for they were only driving the
discontented Episcopalians to ally themselves defi-
nitely with that party.
Episcopalians, while unable to gain legislative
sanction for an Episcopalian college, believed that
they were discriminated against by Yale. They
might be eligible, but the fact remains that no
Episcopalian could be pointed out as a member
** CourafUy June 21, 1815; Rev. Samuel Hart, The Episcopal Bank
and the Bishops' Fund, pp. 8-9.
wfieardsley, Episcopal Church, II, 151.
" Ibid.f pp. 139 flf.; Greene, Rdigious Liberty , p. 471.
60 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
of the teaching force.** Episcopalian students were
compelled to attend chapel exercises, though they
were given permission under some circumstances
to attend their own service. The government of
the college even under the new constitution was
chiefly in the hands of the ministry. Congrega-
tional doctrine was taught. Law, divinity, and
medicine were completely under the control of one
denomination, though all were forced to support
the college." Hence Episcopalians were desirous
of obtaining an act of incorporation for their
academy at Cheshire, which had been founded in
1 80 1, and after some difficulty had been given a
lottery privilege, which netted about $12,000.**
This small concession encouraged the Episcopalians
to continue their struggle for educational freedom.
Without a college the Episcopalians felt that
their ministry must suffer; that their boys would
be alienated from the faith of their fathers ; and that
their parishes must continue without rectors. It
was something which their wealth and numbers
demanded. They were not complaining of being
" John H. Jacocks, Bishop's Bonus, p. 56, declared that in over a
hundred years there had been only two Episcopalian tutors, one of whom
apostated, though President Clap estimated that one in ten graduates
were of that persuasion. The defenders could only cite Tutor Denison,
later Speaker of the House, whom Professor Dexter describes as a
"devout but not a bigoted member of the Episcopal Church." Bio-
graphical Sketches^ V, 192. See article by Theodore Dwight, from
Albany Advertiser , in Courant, June 18, 1816.
" Courant, June 18, 1816; Rev. B. Judd, Sermon, Oc;.7, 1812.
•• Bernard Steiner, History of Education in Connecticut, pp. 55 flF.;
Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 115; Davis, Walling ford, pp. 444 ff.; Mer-
cury, Nov. 11, 1805.
THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH 61
taxed to support Yale, they said, but were merely
urging that they be granted equal rights. They
maintained that the Cheshire Academy with an en-
rollment of from fifty to seventy students was
worthy of incorporation ; but to this the Congrega-
tionalists offered a united opposition. The latter
fearing the competition of a rival college contended
that Yale was liberal enough. Nor could they see
why each sect should have schools or how tutors
in languages or chemistry could hurt Episcopalian
susceptibilities. In 1804 an application for a
charter was refused, and again in 18 10: while
the Lx)wer House approved, the Council rejected
the proposal, which had been drawn up in the
Cheshire convention and fathered by Jonathan
Ingersoll, a leading churchman. The refusal was
so discouraging that no further steps were taken
until 1 8 12, when another petition remained un-
answered. Episcopalians ascribed all to bigotry.
Despite the increasing importance of the academy
it was never chartered, nor were the Episcopalians
to have their own college until Washington, later
called Trinity, was founded at Hartford in 1823.**
Their failure emphasized the truth of the Re-
publican assertion that loyal as Episcopalians and
their bishop had been to the Federalist party, neither
their interests nor those of their adherents had been
advanced. Men like Samuel Johnson, Jonathan
** Davis, Wallingfordf pp.444flF.; Greene, Rdigious Liberty , pp. 463-
467; Beardsley, Efnscopal Churchy II, 66 ff.; Steiner, Education in Con-
neclicidf pp. 237 ff. Jacocks, Bishops Bonus, Judd, Sermon, Oct. 7, 1812,
and Mercury f July 19, 1810, afford valuable material.
62 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775'1H16
IngersoU, Mr. Beers of New Haven, had been
awarded prominent positions, partly because of
their native worth and partly as a political bid for
the support of their order. Usually an Episcopalian
found his way into the Council, generally because his
co-religionists concentrated their votes. It was
complained that they were over-represented in the
Lower House. This may be doubted. It could be
demonstrated, however, that Episcopalians were
selected only in dissenting strongholds. Scarcely
were they ever granted appointive positions.**
Episcopalians were further aroused by the re-
fusal of ordinary justice in the case of the Phoenix
Bank bonus.*^ In the spring of 1814 the backers
of this Episcopalian bank petitioned the Legis-
lature for articles of incorporation, offering a bonus
of $60,000, which should be appropriated for the use
of Yale for the newly established Medical School,
the Bishop's fund, or for whatever the legislators
deemed expedient. After considerable opposition
and a liberal distribution of shares, a million-dollar
charter was finally procured and $50,000 was
donated as a bonus. The Assembly immediately
passed bills granting $20,000 to the Medical School
and an equal amount to the Bishop's fund, but in
the latter grant the Council failed to concur, only
** Mercury, Nov. 19, 1801; Feb. 10, 1803; Sept 26, Dec. 26, 1805;
Courant, Aug. 30, 1816; Rev. William J. Bentley, Diary, III, 208.
"Conn. Public Laws (1808-1819), pp. 43-46, 148 ff.; Jacocks,
Bishop* s Bonus; defense of Legislature by Theodore D wight, a member,
Courant, June 18, 1816; Columbian RegisUr, June 17, 1820; Hart, Episco-
pal Bank; Samuel Church, Mss. History of Conveniion; Beardsley,
Episcopal Church, II. 120-124; Greene, Religious Liberty, pp. 443-444.
THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH 63
the Episcopalian William Samuel Johnson favor-
ing it. The excuse offered was that the state
needed money because of the war. During the
following year petitions for their share again failed.
While, in accordance with the act of incorporation,
the General Assembly was legally a free agent,
yet it was not living up to the spirit of the act.
The largess to the Medical School seemed a prece-
dent for the Bishop's fund in which they were so
keenly interested.
Believing that the Legislature's action was due
to Federalist intolerance and Puritan hatred of a
bishop, they turned toward the sympathetic oppo-
sition party, which was actively bidding for their
support. Thus it was that **The Phoenix Bank, the
child of Intrigue and the mother of Discord," caused,
as Theodore D wight bitterly noted, the Episcopalian
to break from his party for the sake of his church.
The number of Episcopalians in 1817 can only
be roughly determined, so incomplete were paro-
chial reports to the general convention. One author-
ity estimated seventy-four Episcopal churches as
compared to two hundred and thirteen Congrega-
tional societies. The Connecticut Gazetteer gives
practically the same figures, save that it enumer-
ates three Congregational societies less. As there
were only thirty-five Episcopal clergy, about one-
half of the churches were vacancies, and probably
were small as compared with the legal Congrega-
tional enrollment.'* In Middlesex County the
»• CourarU, June 17, Sept 23, 1817; Beardsley, Episcopal Churchy II,
76 ft,; Morse and Morse, The Travellers* Guidcy p. 91; Pease and Niles,
BBBB
64 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
church figures for 1815 are available and sufficiently
accurate for a comparison. Out of 3,688 families,
2,330 were legally classed as Congregationalists,
and 421 as Episcopalian, or about eleven per cent
of the total or nineteen per cent of the legal Con-
gregational population.*' It should be remembered
too that Fairfield County, not Middlesex, was the
stronghold. Miss Greene credits them with from
one-eleventh to one-thirteenth of the population
of the state in 18 16. This is rather low, for in
181 7, when it was desired to placate the Episco-
palians, the General Assembly allotted one-seventh
of the national refund of the state war expenses
to the Bishop's fund as the Episcopalian share.
This semi-official estimate of their numbers was
probably fairly accurate, though none too liberal.*®
At any rate the Episcopalian vote was so im-
portant numerically that its loss to the Federalists
marked the end of their control. The Episco-
palians used their strength to gain concessions which
chanced to be liberal in character, rather than to
bring about reform for principle's sake, thus dif-
fering from the Baptists and Methodists who had
labored through the heat of the whole day with the
Republican for the overthrow of the state-favored
church. Against an establishment as such the Epis-
copalian could not logically declare, but only against
a Congregational establishment.
GauUeeff p. 32. D. B. Warden, Statistical and Historical Account of
ike U.S. y estimates 218 Congregational, 64 Episcopal and 67 Baptist
societies. The Christian Messenger, quoted in Courant, Aug. 19, 1817.
•• Field, Statistical Account.
*^ Greene, Religious Liberty^ p. 444.
the strict congregation a usts 65
2. The Strict Congregationalists
The religious re-awakening of 1740 resulted in
the first schism in Congregationalism. The revolters
from the Saybrook platform were known as
Separatists or New Lights, though they preferred
the term Strict Congregationalists. As some twenty
ministers were affected, the New Lights imme-
diately became a thorn in the side of orthodoxy.
The Legislature enacted a measure, excepting
Separatists from the privileges of the Toleration
Act. In 1742 a grand council of ministers at
Killingworth condemned itinerant preaching in no
uncertain terms. In answer to their petition the
Legislature passed a statute directed against ir-
regular ministers and exhorters, which fully met
the approval of the general association. New
Light preachers were subject to the law as un-
settled exhorters, for they could not establish legal
societies. Neither legislation nor persecution pre-
vented the growth of the sect.** Finally it was nec-
essary to exempt the "commonly styled Separates"
from paying taxes for the support of the regular
ministry imder the rules holding for Episcopalians.**
Fines and imprisonment for conscience sake only
increased Separatist zeal. Social persecution on
the part of those who believed that the Separates'
conscience was mirrored in avarice and factious-
ness had no more effect. Large societies were
^ Conn. Col. Records, VIII, 569; Caulkins, New London, p. 451;
Rev. Albert H. Newman, History of the Baptist Churches in the United
States, p. 244.
« Conn, State Records, I, 232; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 146.
■ • - — -m. ■ !■ Wi»-MW»pi^»
66 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
founded before 1790 in Mansfield, Middletown, Led-
yard, Norwich, New Milford, Cheshire and Cornwall,
in addition to which there were nearly thirty small
organizations. Secessions were often due to dif-
ferences over the minister's election or salary or
over meeting-house repairs, though at times to the
more important though minute questions of church
government and of doctrinal variations.**
This revolt within the church clearly demon-
strated widespread discontent. Today it is in-
teresting not so much for the coimter movement
in Congregationalism, but because it pried open
the door of toleration just a bit wider. Inciden-
tally the Separates were to increase the number of
Baptists with whose doctrines and ideas of govern-
ment they were closely in accord, for they found
the support of a separate organization burden-
some. Nevertheless about seven societies** lived
to reap the benefits of the full religious freedom.
At all events, while few in number, their members
were early supporters of the reform party.
3. The Baptist Church
The Baptist denomination was represented in
Connecticut by a society established at Groton as
early as 1705, thus really antedating the Anglican
church, although generally regarded as occupy-
« Newman, Baptist Churches , pp. 244-252; Lamed, Windham
County, n, 233-234; Avery, Ledyard, pp. 50-52; Field, Centennial
Address^ p. 168; Timlow, Southington, pp. 297 ff.; Beach, Cheshire, p.
265; Greene, Religious Liberty, p. 236; Stiles, Diary, IH, 380.
^ Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 32.
THE BAPTIST CHURCH 67
ing second place among dissenting sects. Alarmed
by its growth, the Legislature passed a statute in
1723 forbidding private meetings and baptisms
save by a regular minister of an approved congre-
gation. As early as 1729, however, the Baptists
together with Quakers were guaranteed the same
legal privileges as the Anglicans. The agitation
of 1742 against the exhorters and unlicensed
preachers of the Great Revival resulted in the
temporary repeal of the toleration acts. This
greatly injured the four societies then in existence.**^
When toleration was again granted in 1760,
Ezra Stiles enumerated three societies, one in the
county of New Haven and the other two in New
Lx)ndon.** He probably referred only to settled
societies because of his dislike of itinerant preachers
and their evanescent congregations. While it must
be remembered that Baptists on the border wor-
shipped in Rhode Island meeting-houses, still their
number was small throughout the colonial period.
Their early history was one of contention,*' but, as
in the case of the other dissenting sects, this seemed
merely to advance their cause. The chief difficulty
centered around the obtaining of certificates, which
freed those professing themselves Baptists from
all tithes and obviously cut down the fund of the
« Conn. Col. Records, VII, 237; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 140-
141; Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History, pp. 54^55; Newman, Baptist
Churches, p. 271; Field, Statistical Account, p. 99; Porter, Historical
Address, p. 68.
« Discourse (1761), pp. 135-138.
«7 Lamed, Windham County, II, 246, 373; Newman, Baptist Churches,
p. 364; Henry R. Stiles, History of Ancient Windsor, p. 439.
~~ ' ' ■ r !LJ
68 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
standing minister and raised the per capita tithes
of the remaining parishioners. Thus one can easily
explain this persecution as often due only to the
local administration of the law. At times exhort-
ers found it difficult to obtain a hearing, Stiles
noting that an itinerant Baptist was met with
such a disturbance in New Haven that the meeting
was broken up. Here again it was not the law,
but the spirit of its enforcement.
The characterization of Stiles is suggestive:
"The Baptists are a religious people and do not
cover Scandal." He criticized them, and some-
what justly, as caring more about re-baptizing
Christians than for anything else.*® Rev. Thomas
Robbins, regarding them fairly dispassionately, felt
that: "The disorganizing principles of the Bap-
tists do considerable damage. "*•
The Baptists early opposed clerical taxation
without representation. While the Massachusetts
and Connecticut colonials were raising this con-
stitutional question, it is of moment to remember
that a similar struggle was going on within their
own ranks. The dissenter, who did not live in
the vicinity of his own chapel or society, was
legally a member of the Congregational parish of
his residence and constrained to pay a tithe in
support of its maintenance. These rates being
voted upon only by enrolled members of the society,
the dissenter was taxed by a local body in which
he conscientiously could not be represented. As
^^ Diary, I, 18. II, 114.
*• Diary, I, 90.
THE BAPTIST CHURCH 69
early as 1770 the comparatively few Baptists were
threatening an appeal to the crown. The patriots
in 1774 charged that Rev. Isaac Backus was sent
to England with imaginary grievances, m order
to prevent united action by the colonies. Backus
pointed out in a letter to the Massachusetts As-
sembly how much more grievous were the Baptist
burdens than the three-penny tax on tea, the pay-
ment of which could be evaded by simply abstain-
ing from tea-drinking. This attitude and their
dubious stand on the ethics of war gave the Baptists
a set-back during the Revolution.*®
This was but temporary, for the law of 1784,
removing all disabilities save that of the certifi-
cate, resulted in an astonishing Baptist revival.
Old societies becoming stronger were building
meeting-houses. New societies were instituted be-
fore the century's close in Chatham, Burlington,
Middle and East Haddam, Hampton, Woodstock,
Southington, Middletown, East Hartford, Bristol,
Cornwall, and Norwich; and before 181 5 others
were established in Cromwell, Waterbury, New
London, Killingworth, Guilford, New Haven, Pom-
fret, Stonington and elsewhere. Between 1760
and 1790 the number of churches increased from
three to fifty-five with at least 3,200 communi-
cants. In 1800 it was estimated that there were
fifty-nine societies with 4,663 members. Windham
County alone had thirteen Baptist societies in
*• Newman, Baptist Churches, pp. 349 ff., quoting Backus's letter
of Nov. 22, 1774, p. 358; Stiles, Diary, I, 491, 581. II, 29; Alvord,
Stamfordf p. 22.
fiBBBXMl
70 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
1806 as compared with only twenty Congrega-
tional churches, though the latter were larger
and more stable. Rev. John Leland testified
that at this time there were forty-two regis-
tered preachers in the state and 4,200 communi-
cants, not counting the numerous visitors. By
18 12 the number of societies was estimated at
from sixty-one to sixty-five with about 5,500 mem-
bers, aside from a few Six- Principle and Seventh -
Day Baptists.'^
This was indeed a remarkable record. Yet it
was a slow growth as compared to the rapid strides
made in the frontier sections of New England, where
it was readily admitted that the Baptists made
even greater headway than the Methodists.'* To
explain their success was not difficult.
In the first place the Baptist tenets appealed with
particular force to men inclined toward strict Con-
gregationalism. Both sects preached against an
unregenerate membership and had similar rules of
church government. No doubt many individual
Separatists joined the Baptist societies. At all
events the practical difficulty of supporting a
*^ This paragraph is based on the following sources: Newman, Baptist
Churches f pp. 64, 271; Henry S. Burrage, A History of the Baptists in
New England^ p. 235; lA^hmd^ Broadside {\9X)6)^ p. 4; Lamed, Windham
County, II, 246, 373, 391; Vorter, Historical Address, pp. 72 ff.; Field,
StaUstical Account, pp. 47, 62, 80, 113; Field, Centennial Address, p. 178;
Timlow, Southington, p. 297; Joseph Goodwin, East Hartford, p. 145;
Theodore Gold, Historical Records of Cornwall, p. 176; Caxilkins, Norwich,
p. 321; Rev. M. S. Dudley, History of Cromwell, p. 20; Caulkins, New
London, p. 598; Anderson, Waterbury, III, 670; Ralph D. Smith, History
of Guilford, p. 110; Richard A. Wheeler, History of Stonington, p. 90.
" Tudor, Letters, p. 68; Bentley. Diary, III, 192.
TEE BAPTIST CHURCH 71
preacher and a church compelled a number of weak
societies to fuse with infant Baptist bodies. This
was true of the Separatist organizations of Haddam,
East Haddam, Westfield, Southington, West Haven,
and New Milford. This not only augmented
the number of Baptists, but gave them a more
respectable standing than was granted to the
Methodists."
The illiteracy of the Baptist preachers afforded
an opportunity for severe criticism by the clergy
of the Standing Order. In the eyes of the educated
minister such a preacher seemed dangerously un-
professional, whereas the ordinary Baptist ex-
horter despised an educated, trained ministry as
ungodly in being too far removed from primitive
times. Here we have one reason why the Baptists
were rated lower than the Anglicans whose clergy
were educated. The itinerant evangelist was a man
of the street, the shop or the field who **got" re-
ligion and a call to preach. '^^ A scholar of the type
of Stiles had very little charity for such a teacher
of the Gospel. He jotted down in his diary the
fact that a New-Light Baptist minister ordained
an immoral man **in a boisterous if not blasphe-
mous manner," and that **he preached or raved
from 'feed my Lambs.' " In various passages
Stiles wrote censoriously of the coarseness, of the
"Lamed, Windham County, II, 391; Field, Haddam, p. 39; Field,
Centennial Address, p. 194; Sheldon Thorpe, North Harden Annals, p.
326; Minot S. Giddings, Two Centuries of New Milford, p. 12; Timlow,
Southington, pp. 297 ff.; D wight, Travels, IV, 444 fT.; Laurer, Church
and State, p. 88; Greene, Religious Liberty, p. 236.
•* Cf. Rev. David Benedict, Fifty Years among the Baptists, p. 211.
n CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
noisy, turbulent manners and of the doubtful
morality of the itinerant preachers." To a man of
Dwight's aristocratic bent, their gross ignorance,
lack of a stipulated salary and their status as
farmers and mechanics of volubility made them
an abomination.**
The Baptists themselves began to see the need
of a learned ministry, at least in long settled
communities. This explains their eagerness to
found a college in Rhode Island. Stiles, then a
Newport minister, denied any connection with the
college although his name had been used in petition-
ing the Legislature for its charter, but declared
that he wished the venture well, **as it is the only
means of introducing Learning among our protes-
tant Brethren, the Baptists, I mean among the
Ministers.""
Yet this very lack of academic culture and aristo-
cratic bearing endeared the itinerant preacher to
the ignorant and lowly of the town and to the
frontier-like farmers in the confines of the state.
In contrast to the average Yale graduate in the
Congregational pulpit he was democratic and
boasted of the fact. He associated on equal terms
with the discontented underlings of society, where-
as the settled minister fraternized, condescended,
or ruled his flock as occasion demanded. They be-
longed to two different social classes as well as to
two opposing political parties. The exhorter be-
» Diary, I, 18, 163. HI, 388.
•• Travds, I, 147,
•^ Diary, I, 22.
THE BAPTIST CHURCH t 73
came a stanch Republican, an agitator for reform,
while the Congregational minister was settling
into a Bourbon-like conservatism.
The democracy of the Baptist and, for that
matter, all dissenting churches as opposed to the
recognition of caste in the Congregational churches,
was illustrated by the method of church seating.'*
In most Congregational societies it was customary
to dignify seats, assigning them according to the
age, family, or wealth of the occupant. At times
this was carried down to the seating of boys and
girls. In some societies men were seated according
to age, with the modification that a defined amount
of property should count as a year. According to
this rule a wealthy young man would be seated
among the hoary-haired fathers of the church.
A loss of property meant a change of seat. Such
an aristocratic custom was out of tune with the
times. Yale realized this when, about 1765, her
students were for the first time catalogued alpha-
betically instead of according to their social stand-
ing. The question of seating was in itself unim-
portant save in so far as it was typical of a system
which drove men into the ranks of infidelity or sec-
tarianism. Attacked on all sides by religious men
and politicians this sensitive barometer of social
ranking was declared to be unchristian as well as
undemocratic.
Democracy within the Baptist organization was
••Beach, Cheshire, pp. 111-112; Camp, New Britain^ p. 95; Timlow,
SaiUkingtofif pp. 181 £f.; Rev. Chacles S. Sherman, Memorial Discourse^
July 9, 1876; Dexter, Biographical Sketches, III, 168, 233.
74 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
another reason for rapid growth. To the Con-
necticut mind long trained in hatred of Episcopacy,
both the Methodist-Episcopal and Episcopal
churches with their bishops appeared undemo-
cratic, whereas the Baptist church was decidedly
opposed to the episcopal office. Their exhorters,
unlike the leading Congregational divines, could
not be described as bishops in power and wealth,
without the onus of the name. Aside from the
simplicity of the ministry there was a sense of
equality among the congregation. Business mat-
ters in the Congregational society such as the levy-
ing of church rates were determined in a meeting of
the covenanted members, a much smaller group
than the legally recognized nominal members, or
even by a still smaller number known as pillars of
the church. *• In the Baptist societies, although
only the "certified" people would desire the vote,
the suffrage seems to have been wider. Stiles was
surprised that it included even the sisters of the
church, a thing unheard of in a Congregational
church in which women might remain only as silent
auditors.*® These democratic characteristics ap-
pealed to the men of that day, who like to *'feel
sovereignty flowing through their veins."
The Baptists were a discontented element from
the beginning. Other dissenters might oppose the
establishment for practical reasons and be molli-
fied by concessions, but not so the Baptist. To
*• For a discussion of this point, see Albert E. McKinley, The Suffrage
Franchise in the Thirteen English Colonies in America, pp. 424-425.
•• Diary, I, 147.
THE BAPTIST CHURCH 75
him the separation of church and state had the
force of dogma. Only its root and branch destruc-
tion and a Gospel supported by voluntary con-
tributions alone would satisfy him. An act of
toleration, granted by a beneficent legislature,
conveyed to his troubled conscience the idea of
tyranny and persecution in the very usage of the
words toleration and dissenter. He would not be
appeased.
During the Revolution Connecticut Baptists
read such pamphlets as Isaac Backus's An Appeal
to the Public for Religious Liberty, The Exact Limits
between Civil and Ecclesiastical Government, and Israel
Holly's i4n Appeal to the Impartial. Backus, as a
leading American Baptist, exerted a wide influence.
The logic of the Baptist contention appealed to
thinking men, for it was indeed strange that Puri-
tans who once fled in terror from a royal church,
should themselves set up what was to all practical
purposes a persecuting establishment. Then at-
tention could not be diverted from the inconsist-
ency of New England refusing religious freedom
to dissenters who were assisting in the struggle for
political independence.
The general Act of Toleration in 1784 in no re-
spect met Baptist demands for a free church within
a free state. They were quite wrought up over
the various projects to sell the Western Reserve
and use the proceeds as a fund for the support of
the Congregational ministry and the schools.**
This opposition was one of the reasons why it was
* Greene, Religious Liberty, pp. 380 ff.
76 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
found advisable to use the lands only as a school
endowment.
In 1794 R^v. John Leland addressed a crowd of
angered Baptists from the capitol steps, urging
them to join in bringing about reform, freedom of
conscience, and a complete disestablishment.
Leland, though his pastoral^ was in Cheshire,
Massachusetts, became a spokesman for the Con-
necticut Baptists. He had recently removed from
Virginia where he had energetically supported the
reform movement which resulted in 1786 in the
separation of church and state.** This gave him a
crusader's zeal for the combat with New England
reaction. In 1801 he delivered a telling criticism
of the Congregational system in his sermon, A
Blow at the Root, The following year he pub-
lished The Connecticut Dissenters' Strong Box, con-
taining one of his earlier productions. The high-fly-
ing Churchman stript of his legal Robe appears a
Yoho, besides the dissenters' petition, Connecticut's
ecclesiastical laws, and extracts from the various
state constitutions, showing that sixteen states
recognized the rights of conscience and three of
these the doctrine of church and state. In 1806
he appeared in print with a tract. Van Tromp
lowering with his peak with a Broadside, containing
a plea for the Baptists of Connecticut. He severely
indicted the Standing Order with its tithed, worldly
ministry; and pleaded for a pure ministry and
voluntary Gospel support. No single man did more
■ Greene, ReUgious Liberty, p. 374.
THE BAPTIST CHURCH 77
to educate his people and the general public to
demand religious freedom.*'
Leland was one of the first to realize the need of
a written constitution as a safeguard against legis-
lative infringements, and as the only means of per-
petuating the blessing of religious liberty. He
furthermore maintained that, as the interests of
New England Federalism and the state religions
were mutual, those opposed to state churches must
cast their lot with the Republican opposition. Nor
6}d he fear a coalition with ungodly Republicans.
He agreed with the anonymous writer who said:
You now, perhaps, may feel yourselves authorized to
repeat the charge that we are acting in concert with infidels;
and why should we not be, so far as infidels make use of right
reasons? I have attempted to make appear that so far
they are nearer to revelation than any kind of a State church,
as such whiatever.**
Mis arguments led the Baptists, and incidently
other dissenters, to join the party of their interests
and principles. To the charge that in making
onslaughts on legislation supporting the Gospel
he furthered deism, he advised his opponents:
If you wish to prevent the spread of deism and infidelity,
renounce State aid and convince the world that religion can
stand alone; let it never be said that a cow, or a doUar, or a
cent is taken from any widow or man, by the constable, to
complete your salaries or pay for your temples.**
The work of Leland encouraged the Baptists
persistently to petition the Legislature for redress.
** About this time the Windham Herald press published a "Review
of the Ecclesiastical Establishments of Europe," by R. Huntington.
•« The Age of Inquiry (1804), by a True Baptist, p. 16.
* Leland, Sermon, Apr. 9, 1801.
78 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
In these petitions it was argued that a legally sup-
ported ministry was contrary to God's law, and
that the certificate law wounded the conscience
even when it occasioned no real persecution. If,
as the Congregationalists held, it was a mere trifle,
let the state give it up. The three pence on tea,
it was recalled, was only a trifle. Then the certifi-
cate law left unchurched Baptists at the mercy
of the tithe-reeve, as well as dissenting non-resi-
dent land owners. Why not tax your actual en-
rolled membership, it was asked. Here they struck
to the quick, for it was generally feared that such a
plan would leave an unsupported ministry and put
a premium on non-afiiliation. The petitioners
expatiated on the evil of established churches,
which, they argued, had always stimulated infi-
delity. Attacks on the Anglican church probably
alienated the Episcopalians. If so, their methods
were more honest than politic. Some of the
petitions urged that there was no constitutional
basis for the establishment, for King Charles
would not have granted such a privilege to dis-
senters. Hence they humbly prayed that their
sufferings be alleviated. Their arguments against
the ungodliness of a compulsory church tax were
not unlike those of Abraham Bishop. Nor is
it improbable that there may have been some
collaboration. John Leland at any rate sub-
scribed to the views advanced by his brethren
petitioning against ''fettered religion.'***
•• Bishop, Address (1802), pp. 84 ff.; "Old Hundred," in Mercury,
Apr. 22, 1802; David Daggett, Broadside (1803); Bentley, Diary, HI,
THE BAPTIST CHURCH 79
These memorials offer a close parallel to the later
abolitionist petitions which tormented and puz-
zled Congress. The 1802 petition died in the
Lower House committee. That of 1803 gained
a hearing, only to be lost by the strictly party vote
of 131 to 45. At this time the Baptists vainly
appealed for Methodist support, for Bishop Asbury
saw no reason why Methodists should further the
interests and liberties of a sect which railed against
Episcopacy in whatever form.*' In 1804 another
petition was lost by 106 votes to 77. •• Every
session was favored with a petition until 181 8,
though the Council did not so much as take them
under consideration until 181 5. These petitions,
subscribed to by thousands, it was said, were wide-
ly circulated. Advertised by Republican papers,
they were fathered in the Assembly by Republican
leaders and supported by a solid phalanx of the
Republican votes. In this way the alliance be-
tween Republican and Baptist was tightly cemented.
The Baptists became an important element in
the Republican party as early as 1802 when Bishop
appealed to them and all other humbler dissenters
against "the sultanlike professors" of the estab-
lished order. A Baptist pamphleteer thus urged
Republican claims:
192. There is good material in the following issues of The American
Mercury, June 4, 1801, July 7, 1803, Oct. 4, 11, 1804.
"Journal, HI, 404.
•• For votes, Mercury, July 14, 1803, May 31, 1804. Sec Emily
Ford, Notes on ike Life of Noah Webster, I, 527-528. Webster along
with Oliver Ellsworth acted on the committee which rejected the 1802
petition.
80 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Republicanism, as the source of civU liberty and happi-
ness, dictated by reason in the state — would never be affected
with licentiousness and disorder, were it not for the opposi-
tion of its enemies, and the principles which lead to monarchy
and aristocracy — ^its paiallel in the church, as the source
of religious liberty and spiritual happiness, dictated by
revelation.**
Such appeals were timely; for they removed any
conscientious scruples against acting with a party
whose members were so generally held up for
execration. Baptist elders did not hesitate to offer
prayer at Republican celebrations or occupy posi-
tions of honor at Republican banquets.
While actual figures showing Baptist strength
are not available, enough statistical material is at
hand to make clear the importance of the sect as
an element in the opposition party. Dr. David
Field, a Congregational minister, estimated the
number of Baptist families in Middlesex County
at 489 out of a total of 3,688, or about thirteen
per cent.'* There is no reason to believe that this
county was more of a Baptist stronghold than
any of the other counties save Litchfield. In 181 8
an impartial statistician reckoned that the Baptists
had ninety-seven societies plus four insignificant un-
organized groups. The annual Almanack and Reg-
ister listed about eighty-six societies, whereas Morse
and Morse in their usually very accurate Guide
estimated that there were ninety Baptist societies
or sixteen more than the number granted to the
Episcopalians. In 1820 a Baptist historian thought
•• The Age of Inquiry (1804), p. 11.
''^ Statislkal Account,
THE METHODIST-EPISCOPAL CHURCH 81
that there were about seventy- three societies with
7*503 communicants.'^ While these figures do not
square, it is easy to explain away the inconsisten-
cies, as the number of societies fluctuated and as
some authorities counted unorganized groups. At
any rate, their number stiffened the Baptist de-
mands and vastly aided in the Toleration-Republi-
can triumph.
4. The Methodist-Episcopal Church
Connecticut Methodism had a short history at
the time under consideration. Jesse Lee, that
successful itinerant exhorter, may accurately be
said first to have thrust its belief on the attention
of the state in his "iter" of 1789." While its early
growth was discouragingly slow, time attested that
Connecticut was a fallow field for Methodist
endeavors.
The introduction of Methodism was made com-
paratively easy by the statute of 1784 which
guaranteed to Methodists the right of dissent,
if properly certified to some organized society.
A supplementary act of 1791 gave this privilege
to all Christians, but compelled the filing of a cer-
tificate with the clerk of the Congregational society
as proof that they were supporting a near-by
^ These figures are computed from the town statistics given in the
Pease and Niles GateUeer, and the Almanack and Register for that year.
See Guide y p. 91; Burrage, Baptists in New England ^ p. 235.
" Nathan Bangs, History of the Methodist Episcopal Church, I, 28S-
290. Ill, 365 fif. As to the possibility of earlier Methodists, see Gold,
Cornwall^ p. 175; Alvord, Historical Address, pp. 24-26; Anderson,
Waterbury, pp. 693 fiF.
82 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
society of their own persuasion.'* While the enact-
ment did not prove as liberal in the working as in
theory, it was more tolerant than the system in
vogue in frontier Vermont until 1801 or Massachu-
setts until 1814.'*
Hence it was possible for a small group of Metho-
dists to deposit certificates of dissent with the clerk
of the Congregational society and maintain a station
on the circuit of some exhorter. This much the
Methodists owed to the strivings of fifty years on
the part of the earlier dissenters.
Furthermore, early Methodism was advanced on
account of the low tone of religious life and the
weakening hold of Congregationalism on the people,
as evidenced by their "certificating themselves"
on grounds other than those of conscience. The
materialistic reaction after the Great Awakening,
along with the increasing discontent among the poor
and lowly, with the political, social, and religious
organization of the state also aided the new sect.
But finally its astounding growth must be accredited
to the frantic enthusiasm of the early adherents and
to the tireless work of the zealous circuit rider.
The following short sketch of the growth of
Methodism will bring out fully enough the methods
employed by the circuit preachers, the reasons for
their success and the petty persecution to which
Its adherents were subjected. On the other hand,
it will be seen that the conservative Standing Order
" Conn. Statutes, p. 575; Swift, System oj the Laws, I, 146; Loomis
and Calhoun, Judicial History , p. 55.
^* Laurer, Church and State, pp. 98-99.
THE METHODIST-EPISCOPAL CHURCH 83
was not without grounds for their opposition to
and fear of what they honestly regarded as over-
turning, revolutionary practises in the garb of re-
ligion. By chronicling their advance in this and
that locality the reader will gain some idea of their
numerical strength.
Stratford has the honor of being the seat of the
first legally established Methodist society in the
state. Consisting in 1789 of only three charter
members, even its founder, Jesse Lee, could hardly
have waxed exultant over the future. However, its
membership was increased by those of little faith,
who preferred to support voluntarily the Metho-
dist church, rather than the establishment."
This was a period, it might be suggested, when all
taxes were a grievance to the more contentious of
the Connecticut Yankees. Later in that same year
Jesse Lee enrolled two or three persons in a society
at Redding. As great as was the opposition of the
town officials, their money-making propensities in-
veigled them into renting the town house to the
Methodist elders. By 181 1 this humble society
was in a position to build a plain, unpainted, steeple-
less church. In the next few years small groups
were organized at Norwalk, Fairfield, Milford, Dan-
bury, Canaan, Windsor, Haddam, Middle Haddam,
East Hartford, Cornwall, Waterbury, and Gales
Ferry. ^® A society was established in New London
by a converted Congregationalist minister, despite
" Bangs, Methodist Church, I, 291. Cf. Lamed, Windham County ^
II, 233-234.
"Todd, Redding^ pp. 113 (I.; Field, Haddam and East Haddam^ p.
39; Stiles, Windsor, p. 440; Field, Statistical Account, p. 62; Avery,
Mia«.^M»««
84 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
the vexatious persecution to which he, an apostate,
was subjected. Yet it only offers another instance
of a religious society thriving under persecution,
for in a couple of years a church was built, and by
1 819 there were about three hundred and twenty
members. Even New Haven was invaded in
1795."
During the decade of 1790 Bishop Asbury made
several tours through Connecticut to stimulate
members and missionaries and to consolidate the
scattered societies. Incidentally his own enthu-
siasm, sermons, and exhortations resulted in more
conversions. \{\^ Journal affords the best source
of information regarding Methodist efforts and
the discouraging obstacles everywhere to be sur-
mounted.'* Sometimes consciously, then unin-
tentionally he tells of the petty persecutions and
the unchristian tone of his reception. In some
towns he was confronted with an openly hostile,
mob-like gathering; town halls and meeting places
presented locked doors ; and at times his ardor met
only a chilling coldness. New Haven's frigid treat-
ment he could only describe as a * 'curious recep-
tion." President Stiles heard him at this time, but,
contrary to his usual custom, made no observa-
tion of moment in his diary.'*
Ledyardy p. 54; Stiles, Diary, III, 417; Asbury, Journal, III, 255, 291;
Bangs, Methodist Churchy II, 353.
'^ Caulkins, New London^ p. 595; Barber and Punderson, History
and Antiquities of New Haven, pp. 29-30.
^•Journal, II, 102-106, 137, 198,227,231. Ill, 242. Supplement
with Moses L. Scudder, American Methodism, pp. 465 £F.
" Diary, lU, 420.
THE METHODIST-EPISCOPAL CHURCH 85
Asbury carefully noted the few kindnesses which
he received, such as the use of a townhall or when
thriving Baptist organizations honored him with
the use of their pulpits. Apparently Baptists and
Methodists, in the face of opposition of the Con-
gregational order, worked in more than usual har-
mony, even though appealing to the same social
class.'®
At times to the man in the saddle Connecticut
seemed an unpropitious field for evangelical labors.
Still, by 1800, the foundations had been laid. The
revivals of that year, with their renewal of interest
in spiritual affairs, helped to increase the Metho-
dist following.*^ Then too, like the Baptists, they
found an advantage in the association between
dissent and Republicanism. Dissent came to be
political as well as religious. Logically the Metho-
dist could be but democratic in feeling and Re-
publican in party, for he was invariably one of the
submerged group, if the term can be used in con-
nection with the social life of the commonwealth.
At all events the period of political troubles and
bitter partisan rivalry tinged with religious persecu-
tion proved conducive to the growth of Methodism.
East Hartford organized a society in 1800.
Sharon, a few years later, witnessed in the entrance
of dissent the first breach in the town church.
•• For evidence forcing a modification of this statement, Asbury,
Journal, III, 104.
" By 1801 there were about 1,600 Methodists in the state. Greene,
Religious Liberty y p. 407; Abel Stevens, History of the Methodist-Episcopal
Church, IV, 63; Bangs, Methodist Church, II, 101; Scudder, American
Methodism, pp. 264-265.
LHT* -K^J
■E^
86 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Vainly, but bitterly, did they attempt to stifle the
schismatic revolt. The New Haven society was
large enough by 1807 to warrant a building and
later to be taken oflF the circuit. Cornwall, Norwich,
Hamden, Waterbury, Burlington, Saybrook, Sey-
mour — ^all organized churches in the next decade.
In Granby it was said that the Methodists out-
numbered the more respectably rated Episcopal-
ians. Middletown, destined to become the seat of
a Methodist college, was taken oflF the circuit by
1 81 6, so strong had its society become. All Con-
necticut, not excepting Litchfield County, which
longest remained immune from infectious dissent
and Republicanism, felt the effects of Methodism
as a rival religious movement and as a quickener
of the Congregational pulse. ^
Congregational opposition to the Methodist
movement has been noticed, though it is a phase
of the religious struggle which merits oblivion, for
its bickerings and sectarian jealousies were quite
unworthy. However, one can readily appreciate
the fear of staid, conservative leaders. Methodism
even more than other sectarianism seemed a menace
as a revolutionary movement closely associated
with a political party, suspected and accused of
" The paragraph is written chiefly from the following: Goodwin,
East Hartfordy p. 145; Church, Address y p. 36; Dwigtity Statistical Ac-
county p. 43; Barbour, New Haven, pp. 29-30; New Haven Historical
Society, Papers^ IH, 163; Gold, Cornwall^ p. 175; Caulkins, Norwich,
p. 322; Field, Statistical Account ^ pp. 47-49; Anderson, Waterbury ^
pp. 693 fiF.; Rev. Hollis Campbell, Seymour ^ p. 37; Noah A. Phelps,
History of Simsburyy Granby ^ and Canton^ p. 112; Goodenough, Clergy
of Litchfield, p. 160.
'.iiS^p^
THE METHODIST-EPISCOPAL CHURCH 87
plotting the destruction of both religion and the
state." To the minister of the Standing Order the
untutored exhorter fresh from the shop or field
was a demagogue ranting the Word of God. The
Methodist ministry, if possible, was even more
primitive than that in which the Baptist gloried.'*
Their large, often unauthorized camp meetings
were the source of much annoyance; for Connecti-
cut was not in favor of anything but the most
orderly, godly revival; and many a minister ques-
tioned the propriety of any revival. That there
were irregularities in connection with these camp
meetings is not to be doubted, nor on the other
hand is all the gossip to be credited.'* Some of
the criticism can be accounted for in that such
meetings were an innovation and hence unwel-
come. Robbins wrote : *'The Methodists go great
lengths in fanaticism. They hurt their own cause."
Again he noted a ''Methodist camp meeting — which
was most outrageous* ''• The novelty finally wore
off, for one finds the good old orthodox Hartford
Courant advertising a camp meeting for Ellington
in 1 8 10.'' Fearon in his travels noticed that the
Methodists were generally despised as fanatics."
•»Cf. Larned, Windham County, 11, 282-284; and Barstow, New
Hampshire J pp. 425, 443.
•* Scudder, American Methodism, ch. iv; cf. North American Review^
IX, 240-260.
"Dwight, Sermon (1801), p. 17; Gold, Cornwall, p. 72; Larned,
Windham County, II, 333-334; Church, Salisbury, p. 36; Scudder,
American Methodism, pp. 465 Q.
» Diary, I, 90, 450.
•^Aug. 15, 1810.
" Henry B. Fearon, Sketches of America, pp. 161 £F.
88 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
William Tudor in his letter on religion considered
their lack of respectability as due to their wan-
dering, whining preachers with their calls for en-
thusiasm so unsuited to the climate or likings of
New England.**
In estimating the number of Methodists there
is valuable material in the published minutes of
the annual conferences of 1813 to 1818, with re-
ports from the various circuits.*® The individual
figures for the towns appear fairly trustworthy,
though sectarian loyalty may have condoned the
lack of scrupulous accuracy in the desire to demon-
strate progress. The reports were neglectfully in-
complete, for, all told, they accounted for only fifteen
towns when there were certainly fifty-three socie-
ties, large or small, within the state, or one to
every four Congregational societies.*^ Even so,
these figures enumerate something like 5,532
white and 114 negro communicants. The inclusion
of the negro is interesting as indicating the class
in society to which an appeal was made. That
these figures do not represent more than one-half
of the Methodist total seems probable, for one
must consider that dissenters could legally attend
and support a church of their creed even if across
the state line. This being the case, many Metho-
dists no doubt worshipped in the chapels of the
bordering states.
As Methodists increased in numbers their oppo-
»» LeUers, p. 69.
~ YaU Pamphlets, Vol. 1233.
** Pease and Niles, Gazetteer , p. 32; Morse and Morse, Guide, p. 91.
THE SMALLER REUGIOUS BODIES 89
sition to the Congregational order became more
determined. Realizing that their hopes were bound
up in the success of the reform party, they early
followed their Baptist brethren into its ranks.
5. The Smaller Religious Bodies
Universalism appeared about 1792 when South-
ington was said to be infected. The Universalists
then organized a society. Canterbury was dis-
turbed by a Universalist revolt when a small group
organized themselves into the Independent Catholic
Christian Society with a short tenure of life. Nor-
wich was said to have a society in 1820. President
Dwight knew of only one Universalist body in
1 810; and in 181 8 the Connecticut Gazetteer enum-
erated but two bodies, one in Newtown and another
in Somers.'*
There were probably more Universalists, for
towns like Middle town and Killingworth together
had at least seventy families. In Windham County
there were known to be twenty families, but no
societies.^ The settled clergy asked: Why should
a Universalist be dependent upon a ministry?
Naturally as tithe payers every Universalist was
opposed to the religious constitution. As they
were known to be democrats to a man,** no sec-
tarian was more disliked by the Congregationalist
"Timlow, SotUkingUm, p. 311; Rev. Andrew Hetrick, Historical
Address, p. 19; Caulkins, Norwich, p. 323; Dwight, Travels, IV, 444; Pease
and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 32.
" Field, Statistical Account; Lamed, Windham County, U, 391.
•« Mercury, Jan. 21. 1817.
90 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
who felt that, like the atheist, deist and Unitarian,
a Universalist's oath should not be accepted, for
it lacked the restraining fear of a future life.
Unitarianism as a religious system first attracted
notice about the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury, when two clergymen were removed from their
parishes for this heresy.** Rev. John Sherman,
one of the men expelled, wrote in 1805 an apology
in defense of his creed. In 1806 the Rev. Henry
Channing, a believer in Unitarian doctrines, was
dismissed at his own request from the pulpit of the
New London society. As Unitarians were classed
as deists and held guilty of a felony, their history
was shrouded in darkness.** The orthodox esti-
mate of the Unitarian was well summed up in the
following: **The professed Deist gives Christianity
fair play. If she cannot defend herself, let her
fall. But the Unitarian Christian assassinates her
in the dark."*^ Writers tabulating religious sta-
tistics excluded Unitarians as of no importance.
While the local Episcopalian historian may be
justified in his belief that the Episcopalian fold
proved the haven for those in Connecticut who
sought escape from rigid Puritanism, just as the
Massachusetts ** intellectuals" found solace in Uni-
tarianism,*® yet the fact that Unitarianism never
thrived in the state explains the united Congre-
gationalism which stood so long against the reform
" Foster, Genetic History, p. 278; Caulkins, New London, p. 589; for
sketch of Channing, Dexter, Biographical Sketches, IV, 183-186.
•• Statutes, p. 296; see George H. Richards, Politics of Conn., p. 20.
" Rev. John Gardiner, Sermon (1811), p. 112.
•« Beardsley, Episcopal Church, 11, 98.
THE SMALLER REUGIOUS BODIES 91
party. •• Unitarians like Universalists were ardent
Tolerationists, Channing, one of their leaders,
being active among the reformers.
The Friends always remained few in numbers.
After 1706, when the statutory laws against Quakers
were repealed, they were no longer in bodily danger,
yet this did not mean relief from persecution. In
1729 they were granted toleration. ^^® While it is
probable that they generally met in private homes,
there was a thriving society in New Milford as
early as 1742. Groton in 1770 released some thirty-
five Rogerene Quakers from the Congregational
rates. Pomfret was the seat of a fairly large society.
In 181 8 there appear to have been some seven
societies of Friends, one society of Rogerene
Quakers and two small societies of Sandemanians,
and one of Shakers.^®^
The Catholic church was not represented in
Connecticut by either priest or chapel until late
in the decade of 1820.^^* Its future strength was
not even dimly foreshadowed. In 1816 the con-
version of the Waterbury Congregational pastor,
** I believe that the Republican party in Massachusetts was aided
by the Unitarian revolt against Congregationalism. Unitarians with-
out the pale of the law were necessarily ardent reformers, and while it
is generally recognized that they deserve much credit for the dis-
establishment of 1833-1834, their connection with early Republicanism
and its success does not seem to be duly emphasized.
>«> Conn. Col. Records, IV, 546. VII, 237.
*®* Giddings, New Milford j p. 12; Caulkins, New London, p. 421;
Lamed, Windham County, II, 284; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 32.
»« Dwight, Travels, IV, 444; Tudor, Letters, p. 69; Dr. James A.
Rooney, "Early Times in the Diocese of Hartford, 1829-1874," in Cath.
Hist. Review, July, 1915.
92 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Rev. Virgil Horace Barber and family, offered a
decidedly close parallel to the beginnings of the
Anglican church a century earlier. An Episco-
I>alian minister from Middle to>\Ti and also one from
Derby found their way toward Rome. However
none of them appears to have remained within the
state.^^ Still there were a few Catholics here and
there, for the Rev. James Dana counted seven
families in New Haven in 1800.*^
The Jews of Connecticut had no formal organi-
zation, nor is it probable that there were more than
a few families.^®* At any rate none of the acts of
toleration would have offered them relief.
6. Common Grievances of Dissenters
The common grievance of all dissenters and the
great bond of union between them was the certifi-
cate law. Around these certificates considerable
persecution lurked. This was bound to be the
case while the administration of the law and the
granting of the licenses remained in the hands of
justices who were invariably stanch upholders of
the Standing Order. Being known as a certificate
man placed one in a lower social category and in
practice under a political disability The dissenter
felt this and keenly resented the method of certi-
fying as well as the narrow interpretation of the
*" Sec Anderson, Waterbury, I, 660; E. S. Thomas, Reminiscences of
Last Sixty-five Years ^ I, 23; Stiles, Diary , III, 416; Beardsley, Episcopal
Church, II, 99-105.
**• Dana, Two Discourses (1801), pp. 65 fif. Noah Webster mentions
in his diary hearing mass in the room of his class-mate. Father Thayer.
Ford, Webster, I, 343.
i« Dexter, New Haven in 1784, p. 55.
GRIEVANCES OP DISSENTERS 93
law, which so largely counteracted the legal toler-
ance. In the case of a foreigner or citizen from
another state, Leland thought the choice of com-
pulsory certification or tithe-paying especially morti-
fying. This matter of certificates occasioned in-
cessant agitation embittered by a petty persecu-
tion which united all dissenters in adherence to a
sympathetic party which held out hopes of reform.^®'
The Standing Order must have found it difficult
to understand the agitation over Congregational
intolerance on seeing so many certificates issued
on the most flimsy pretexts. For of the state's
tolerance they continually boasted. Beecher wrote :
There never was a more noble regard to the rights of con-
science than was shown in Connecticut. Never was there a
body of men that held the whole power that yielded to the
rights of conscience more honorably. ^''^
Taking exception to an observation of the Duke
de la Rochefoucauld that Connecticut Presby-
terianism was intolerant, Dwight maintained that
even the irreligious were left in perfect harmony
and that the Congregationalists had voluntarily
placed all denominations on a footing with them-
selves. ^®® Certainly they were in advance of
Massachusetts, but hardly of any other state,^®*
** Swift, System of the Laws, I, 143 flf.; Greene, Religious Liberty,
pp. 372-373.
"7 Autobiography, I, 342.
*•• Dwight, Travels, IV, 235; Rev. Benjamin Trumbull, Sermon
(1801), p. 20; Governor Treadwell, Address to the Assembly, Courant,
May 16, 1810.
*®* Vermont separated church and state in 1807, but New Hamp-
shire had what amounted to an establishment until 1819. Laurer,
Church and State, pp. 97 ft. ; Barstow, New Hampshire, p. 426.
94 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
though it would be difficult to convince the dis-
senter that toleration had been willingly conceded
on purely Christian grounds.
Dissenters found a strong motive for opposition
in the religious bias of the whole school system."®
Education was completely dominated by the Con-
gregationalist order.
A decided cry for reform in the Yale corporation
had resulted in a slight loosening of ministerial
control without making it less sectarian; for the
ex-officio state officers were closely connected by
blood and social ti^s to the leading ministers. The
Legislature's donation of forty thousand dollars in
no way placated dissenters. As even Episcopalians
were not desired on the faculty, one need not be
surprised that less respectable dissenters were not
so honored. Abraham Bishop drilled this point
into the dissenter, as did other Republican leaders
in their exhortations to their following."* George
Richards in 1817 declared that there was a rigid
Saybrook-Congregalional test for college officers."*
This is well outlined by Ezra Stiles in 1782 in an
account of the examination to which a prospective
instructor submitted."' It is scarcely likely that
"® There is a sketch of the school system in Swift, System of the Laiij,
I, 148 ff. Bernard C. Stciner, The History of Education in Connecticut
is tlie standard authority on the state's schools.
»" Bishop, Address (1802), p. 48; Mercury, Aug. 1, 1805; Apr. 2,
1816.
i« Richards, PdUics of Conn., p. 24. Sec Niles' Register, XIII, 194.
Governor Baldwin b inclined to overlook this. New Haven Hist. Soc.
Papers, III, 425.
"» Diary, III, 21.
GRIEVANCES OF DISSENTERS 95
the practical bar had been in any way removed at
a time when all efforts of the Standing Order were
bent toward strengthening their redoubts. This
test was abrogated in 1823 on the very eve of the
chartering of the Episcopalian college."* Even
the Yale course of studies together with certain
compulsory religious services was likely to deprive
the conscientious dissenter of an education.
The lower schools were essentially Congrega-
tional parochial schools."^ Prior to a law of 1798,
which delegated school affairs to a board of local
officers and ministers, complete control of the
town schools was vested in the Congregational
society. The minister was apt to consider edu-
cation as under his special care, examining teachers
in their behavior, morals, and religious tenets.
Exciting local collisions resulted at times in dis-
senting strongholds because the board of over-
seers exerted an * 'unwarranted interference with
the religious opinions of teachers.**"' Apparently
more attention was paid to the * 'moral*' side of
the teacher than to his preparation ; for it is hardly
conceivable that men who taught during the three
winter months at a wage of from seven to twelve
dollars a month, or women teachers during the
summer months at a dollar a week, could be per-
"* New Haven Hist. Soc, Papers ^ HI, 435; Steiner, Education in Conn.f
p. 239; but see Andrew D. White, Autobiography j II, 557.
"' Bates, Records of . . School District of Granbyy pp. 6, 7, 11;
Hughes, East Haven^ p. 52; Atwater, Plymouth^ p. 125; Roys, Norfolk,
p. 12; Timlow, Southington, p. 433; Robbins, Diary, I, 647. See Mer-
cury, Mar. 5, 1816.
"• Church, Salisbury, p. 39.
96 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
sons possessing other than the most elementary
training.
Republicans were not far wrong in their con-
tention that teachers must be orthodox in religion
and politics. Primary schools opened with prayer
and the reading of Scripture. Saturday after-
noon was devoted to teaching the Congregational
catechism, which was included in the New Eng-
land primer. Sometimes dissenting children were
freed from attendance, but not without consider-
able formality. In at least a couple of instances
dissenting bodies were even given their quota of
the school funds for parochial schools or given an
opportunity to teach their own doctrines to their
children attendant at the "Congregational, public
school.""^ Not until 1818 did the Congregational-
ists find it necessary to establish Sunday schools,
and then only because it was necessary to modify
the teaching of the catechism and morals in the
common schools to satisfy the dissenters and to
accord with the new order.
Thus did schismatic and dissenter increase.
The rigors of Calvinism drove some to take refuge
in the emotional religions, others in the mystic,
and still others in the liturgical church. Re-
ligion and church-going could not be maintained
by inquisitional means or by the tithe-gatherer.
Yet from the viewpoint of the orthodox there was
something saddening in the bickerings and the
factiousness which resulted when the town church
was disturbed by the opposing denominations,
"» Atwater, Plymouth, p. 125; AUen, Enfield, I, 476.
>«WiP""'*^"*"™»««
GRIEVANCES OP DISSENTERS
97
and when the town meeting-house had given place
to a cluster of rival meeting-houses.
The ecclesiastical map of Connecticut in 1818
speaks volumes. It shows that every section of
the commonwealth was invaded, that there was
scarcely a town without its diverse denominational
societies. Dissent could not be said to be sectional,
though the river towns and those bordering New
York and Rhode Island might be described as
centers. The chief value of such a chart is in dem-
onstrating that dissent was politically Republican.
By closely comparing this chart with those showing
the political strength of the Republican party by
towns, it will be seen that in those towns in which
dissent flourished. Republicanism advanced until
it became the dominant political factor.
CHAPTER III
I. Banks and the Increase of Capital
nnHE industrial life of the state was transformed
-*- during the period covered by this study.
Banks were established, introducing a new system
of credit. Monetary capital increased as a result of
high prices, large exports, and a thriving carry-
ing trade. Capital seeking investment found rich
opportunities in the manufacturing concerns which
were building factories in every section. As manu-
facturing became important, there developed town
and city life, with their characteristic laboring
class and problems. These changes are to be
considered in this chapter.
Money throughout the colonial days and the
early years of the new state was scarce. Payment
for imports so drained the market of specie that
barter remained a usual form of business even in
large towns. Salaries such as those of ministers
were paid, frequently partly in cash and partly
in goods. Wages were paid in kind or in bills of
credit on the country store. As the state was
agricultural and its farmers were small free-holders,
there were few men of wealth. Only rarely was
there a man like Richard Alsop who amassed a
fortune in the coast or West-India trade.^ On
the whole the country merchant was the financier
^ Field, Centennial Address f p. 153; see Edward B.' Eaton, '^Hartford,
the Stronghold of Insurance," Conn. Mag., DC, 617.
98
BANKS AND THE INCREASE OF CAPITAL 99
of his locality, acting in the capacity of a broker
either by extending credit in the way of time or
by direct loans. This phase of his business was
as important as, and probably morer emunerative
than his more obvious work of exchanging West-
India and foreign goods for the farmers' grain,
meat, and vegetables.* As banking houses were
unknown, there was no one to whom a man de-
sirous of undertaking a shipping or manufactur-
ing business could apply. It was this lack of
available capital, quite as much as the restrictive
measures, which hindered the industrial growth of
the colony. Otherwise, factories should have fol-
lowed political independence instead of coming
a generation later in the wake of banks and modem
methods of credit.
In 1 791 the enactment of Hamilton's financial
plan secured the national rating on foreign ex-
changes and centralized American banking around
the National Bank. Then the outbreak of the
European wars cut off foreign loans. Imports
were less and the drain on specie was correspond-
ingly light. Exports finding a ready foreign market
balanced the import debt or brought in specie.
The carrying and West- India trade became sources
of great wealth. As a result, the stock of ready
money was tremendously increased. Banks were
established and utilized conveniently as agents
between creditor and undertaker. The commu-
nity was benefited industrially; the banks became
• Church, Address, pp. 44-45. * * , ,
100 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
prosperous and hence more numerous. Thus the
endless chain worked.
Banks were essentially democratic in character,
making it possible for poor men to concentrate their
capital in such a way that it became productive.
This was exactly what a people like those of Con-
necticut required: some way in which their scat-
tered small stocks might be effectively massed so
as to be available for industry.
The state was first aroused to the importance of
banking in May, 1792, when the Hartford Bank
and the Union Bank at New London were in-
corporated. The Hartford Bank was originally
capitalized at $100,000; but a supplementary act
in 1807 provided that its capitalization could be
increased by an open annual subscription of $50,000,
until a limit of $500,000 was reached. By 181 8
its capital had mounted to the million mark.»
The Union Bank was chartered at fom $50,000 to
$100,000, standing at the latter figure in 1818.*
The New Haven Bank followed in October, 1795,
with a charter allowing a minimum capital of $50,-
000 with the $400,000 provision. The doors opened
for public business in 1796 with a paid in sub-
scription of $80,000; and by 1818, its capital had
increased to $300,000.* In October, 1795, the
» Statutes, pp. 73 flF.; CourarU, Jan. 23, Mar. 11, 1792; Ford, Webster,
1, 342, 354, 356, 526; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 50; P. H. Woodward,
One Hundred Years of the Hartford Bank, the first six chapters, but
especially pp. 15-20, 79-89.
* Statutes, pp. 93-95; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 114.
* Statutes, pp. 8!^-^; Barber, New Haven, p. 55; Pease and Niles,
Gazetteer, p. 107.
BANKS AND THE INCREASE OP CAPITAL 101
Middletown Bank was incorporated with a capital
of $100,000. It was granted the privilege of in-
creasing its stock to $400,000, though apparently
it did not open until 1801. By 1812 its success
warranted the increase of its capitalization to
$500,ooo.«
The General Assembly in May, 1796, chartered
the Norwich Bank with a capitalization of from
$75,000 to $200,000, the latter figure being reached
about 1812.^ In October, 1806, the Bridgeport
Bank was incorporated with a capital of from
$50,000 to $200,ooo.« By an act of May, 1807,
the New London Bank was authorized with a
capitalization of from $200,000 to $500,000.* In
October, 1809, the Derby Bank was chartered at
$100,000 with the privilege of an increase up to
$200,000. Apparently, in order to avoid too ob-
vious an interlocking directorate, it was enjoined
that none of its directors be from the board of the
Derby Fishing Company, though that company
was afterward allowed to hold a small limited
amount of stock.^® In January, 1812, the Eagle
Bank of New Haven, incorporated the previous
fall at from $500,000 to $750,000, inaugurated its
ill-fated, irresponsible business career.^^ In 1814
^StatuUs, pp. 79-82; Brainerd, Middletown, p. 6; Field, Statistical
Account, p. 41.
^Statutes, pp. 90-92; Caulkins, Norwich, p. 331; Pease and Niles,
Gazetteer, p. 148.
" Statutes, pp. 70-73; Orcutt, Stratford, I, 597.
• Statutes, pp. 86-89; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 144.
»• Public Laws, pp. 17-21, 109; Mercury, Nov. 9, 1809.
" Public Laws, pp. 65-69; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 107; Barber,
New Haven, p. 55; New Haven Hist. Soc., Papers, IH, 176; Courant,
Nov. 6, 13, Dec. 25, 1811; Woodward, Hartford Bank, p. 129.
102 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-181H
9
the Episcopalians founded the million-dollar Phoenix
Bank, with headquarters at Hartford and a semi-
independent branch at Litchfield.^* When the
Second United States Bank was established, it
was decided to locate one of its twelve branches
at Middletown. To such an out-of-the-way lo-
cation there was considerable opposition, espe-
cially on the part of New Haven.^' The deter-
mining factor with the administration was prob-
ably Middletown 's Republican vote.
To summarize: in the beginning of the year,
1792, a Connecticut bank was unknown; in 1818
there were ten state banks, besides the branch
of the National Bank, with a capitalization of
from $3,000,000 to $3,500,000." This was an
astonishing transformation. Here was plenty of
money for investment in internal trade, in turn-
pike companies, factories, and in western lands.
The bank charters had all the appearances of
being democratic in character and essentially
public-serving in purpose. This was to be ex-
pected, for banking petitions had to be sanctioned
by the Legislature. In time, certainly after 1 800,
the banking acts became less democratic." Shares
of stock fluctuated from $100 to $400; and there
was no longer a limitation to the number of
" Public Laws, pp. 148-153; Pease and Niles, GaseUeer, p. SO; Hart,
Episcopal Bank, pp. 104 fiF.
^ Field, Statistical Auount, p. 41; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer , p. 274;
CouratU, Nov. 21, 1816; Aug. 12, 1817; New Haven Resolutions (1816).
" Warden, Statistical Account, II, 30, accurately gave the number
of banks as eleven with a capital of $3,500,000.
" Statutes, pp. 74, 78, 82, 85-86.
• BANKS AND THE INCREASE OF CAPITAL 103
shares a person or a corporation could hold. This
provision had also been struck out of the old
charters on their revision. No longer was six
per-cent interest on loans defined as the maximum.
Clauses giving an advantage in the corporation
management to small over against large share-
holders were modified so that voting strength de-
pended on the number of shares. Subscriptions
were open to all investors. As, however, the
managers of the lists were selected by the Legislature
from the promoters, and as bank stock was re-
garded as gilt-edged and a rising investment,"
there was no doubt favoritism.
This charge was well substantiated in the case
of the Phoenix Bank, in which friendly members
of the General Assembly were fortunate in drawing
shares, while others were said to be invariably
unsuccessful. The defenders pointed out that, as
there were seven applicants for every one of the
10,000 shares, all could not be served. Further-
more, they argued that the opposition came from
the banking interests, which were afraid of com-
petition.^^ Bank stock was rapidly becoming a
choice investment for men of money rather than
an advantageous pool for the savings of farmer
and mechanic. This was the more true inasmuch
as bank stock was not even listed for taxation
u Bank stock paid 7 or 8% after 1804, and 9}% by 1813, though
United States Bank stock was bearing only 3 to 6%. Henry F. Wal-
radt, Financial History of Connecticuty pp. 34-35.
^' For an account of the Phoenix scandal, see Cowrant, Sept 13,
1814; Six Numbers on Bankings p. 15; Hart, E^copal Bank,
104 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
until 1805; and stock owned by non-residents
was not taxed for another eight years. ^* Is it
to be wondered at that men questioned this
partiality?
If one may draw a conclusion from the recrimi-
nations in the Phoenix Bank episode, stock seldom
found its way into the hands of what came to be
the wealthy banking circle, save those shares which
were used to gain legislative favor. From the
beginning, it might be pointed out, the directors
and promoters were men of large property. They
either were or soon became political leaders or
bosses, though the latter term may be objectionable.
Among the leaders of the Hartford Bank were
Oliver Ellsworth, Oliver Phelps, Colonel Jeremiah
Wadsworth, John Morgan, John Caldwell, Ephraim
Root, Nathaniel Terry, and Andrew Kingsbury.
Ellsworth was a framer of the Constitution, long
a judge of the state superior court, later Chief
Justice of the United States Supreme Court,
Minister to France in 1799, and an associate of
Robert Morris and Alexander Hamilton.^* Phelps
was a millionaire land speculator. Colonel Wads-
worth, a commissary-general during the Revolu-
tion, at its close was estimated to be worth from
60,000 to 80,000 pounds sterling. He was the
largest subscriber to the Bank of North America,
and in 1785 was elected president of the Bank of
" Walradt, Financial History, pp. 28-29.
1* Mercury, Sq)t. 5, 1805; Conn. Mag,, DC, 891 ff.; Pease and Niles,
CateUeer, p. 92; Woodward, Harford Bank, pp. 40-42. For Phelps,
ibid., pp. 47. 71 ff.
BANKS AND THE INCREASE OP CAPITAL 105
New York, and later a director of the National
Bank and a silent partner in a large shipping
business. For several years he was a member of
Congress and long a member of the Council.*®
Morgan, Caldwell, and Terry, the latter a son-in-
law of Wadsworth, were men of means, munici-
pal oflfice-holders and for years Hartford's repre-
sentatives in the General Assembly.*^ Root was a
prominent lawyer, and Kingsbury was known as
state treasurer and for his prominence in church
missions." Jedediah Huntington, president of the
Union Bank, was of a prominent family in church
and state. Joseph Alsop was a controlling figure
in the Middletown Bank. The New Haven Bank
was fathered by men like David Austin, Elias
Shipman, and Isaac Beers, Federalist leaders of
New Haven, though later Abraham Bishop, the
wealthy Republican boss, was included in its
directorate. The Derby Bank had among its
leading spirits William Leflfingwell, David Daggett,
and a stand-pat Federalist Assistant, Charles
Sherman of the well-known family. David Tomlin-
son, the Tolerationist, was added when he became
influential enough to win a place in the Council.
«o Conn, Mag., DC, 891; Pease and NUes, GazeUeer, pp. 51-52; Wood-
ward, Hartford Bank, pp. 31-34.
" Woodward, op. cit.y pp. 34-35; Dexter, Biographical Sketches , IV,
514.
« Dexter, Biographical Sketches, IV, 234; Woodward, Hartford Bank,
pp. 40, 65. Lists of directors are available in the incorporation acts
and in the annual Almanack and Register, which gives lists of office
holders, of clergy, of church and fraternal societies. A comparison
of these lists gives a clear insight into the control by the ruling class.
106 COSSECTJCVT IS TRASSITWS: mS-lilS
Tlie Eagle Bank had a select directorate: Senator
James Hillhouse, Theodore Eh^nght. S'meon Bald-
win, Frerlerick Wolcott, Speaker Sylvanus Backus,
Rfiger M. Sherman, President Timothy Eh^ight,
Abraham Bradley and the Episcopalian politician,
C'harles Denison.
A stronger combination in church and state or a
grrmp of more confirmed office-holders would be
difficult to pick. The New London Bank nearly
did so, when it could point out Elisha Denison,
FMward Chappell, Zephaniah Swft, Roger Good-
rich, Elias Perkins, a Republican leader, and Cahin
Grxldard, all of whom had graced the Council
chamber or were represented in that body by their
immediate family. Ebenezer Huntington and Asa
V\tch of the Norwich Bank were men of wealth
and prestige. As the Phoenix Bank was essentially
a Republican and Episcopalian bank, its directors
were chiefly from among the wealthy members of
the Toleration party. Its stockholders were headed
by such men as Jonathan Eklwards, who invested
$90,000, no mean sum for a man of his lineage;
Samuel Pitkin, $20,000; S. Griswold, $20,000; Eli
Haskell, $30,000; and Roswell Moor, $20,000."
Even these amounts demonstrated growing wealth,
for $6,000 had been the largest subscription to the
Hartford Bank.
This IS quite enough to make clear that an in-
fluential moneyed class was evolving, with its
stronghold in the banking interests of the com-
" Courant, Stpi. 13, 1814.
BANKS AND THE INCREASE OP CAPITAL 107
munity and in the Federal-Congregational party.
Yet neither the party nor the sect was the all-control-
ling element, for an Episcopalian or Republican,
who came into political power, was given place
on a bank's directorate. The essential Federalist-
Congregational character of the **bank crowd"
was well evidenced by the opposition to the in-
corporation of the Episcopal Bank, as a rival of
the Hartford Bank which, like the Hartford
Courant, breathed an orthodoxy of the olden day.
In spite of all opposition the Phoenix Bank was
established; and an entering wedge was driven
in between the banking business and the Standing
Order.
The connection between the state and the banks
was made closer by an act of 1803, which pro-
vided for the investment of state funds in the
New Haven, Hartford, and Middletown banks. On
subscribing $5,000 or more, the state was given
the privilege of naming a director. In 1803
$42,525 was so invested and by 1816, $146,800.
In 1 81 5 the treasurer was authorized to buy
United States stock and invest the surplus in the
stock of any state bank. Thereupon the state
became a stockholder in the Eagle and Phoenix
banks. In 181 7 a surplus of $250,000 was in-
vested in the five banks.** This must be borne
in mind, for the association of the administration
and the money interests gave the office-holding
party a powerful lever.
•« Statutes, pp. 70, 77, 96; Walradt, PinancuU History, pp. 33-34;
Woodward, Hartford Bank, pp. 81-82.
108 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
The later banking acts gave certain decided
advantages to the ecclesiastical societies. The
trustees of school funds, ecclesiastical funds and
charitable institutions within the state were given
privileges equal to those accorded the state; such
privileges involved the right to buy stock at par
value, to withdraw on six months' notice and to
name a director if owning a certain amount of
stock. This stock could not be transferred and
was also of an issue above the bank's maximum
capitalization. In addition such organizations
could buy common, transferable stock. The ec-
clesiastical funds, aside from the Bishop's Fund,
were those of Congregational societies, for the
dissenting societies had little money to invest.
Like the schools, the educational funds were con-
trolled by the Congregational order. Remember-
ing that incorporation acts were based on petition
and sanctioned with modifications rather than
drafted by the Assembly, one may ask: why should
banking promoters grant so much in the way of
privileges to the standing church? Friends might
explain it on grounds of philanthropy; more im-
partial critics as a means of obtaining the valuable
asset of its political influence.
The years after the second war were marked by
intense financial distress. Specie was being hoarded
or exported to pay for foreign goods. There was
a return to barter, if one may judge from news-
paper advertisements. Money, it was said, was
becoming a circulating medium in name only.
Some blamed the banks for the financial panic.
BANKS AND THE INCREASE OP CAPITAL 109
saying that banks were synonymous with bank-
ruptcy. New York banks were failing or refus-
ing to loan or discount, thereby aggravating
the banking diflficulties of Connecticut. Of the
four banks in the vicinity of New Haven, the
Derby Bank had dissolved with little regard for
its clients; a second practically halted business; a
third diminished its loans by one-half; and the
fourth greatly reduced its discounts. In all a
million dollars was thought to have been with-
drawn from circulation, either because of fear or
speculation.*'' Farmers and mechanics found them-
selves in sore straits and all business was at a
standstill.
Small wonder was it that banks and their direc-
tors were subjected to bitter attack.*' Even an
occasional Federalist writer deprecated the growth
of a moneyed class as the most unfeeling . and
oppressive of all aristocracies.*^ Only lawyers and
bankers grew rich, it was argued, while the poor
were made poorer. Banks were accused of mak-
ing money plentiful or scarce as best suited their
purpose. The money lender or "note-shaver" was
described as preying on society in distress and en-
riching himself by buying at a heavy discount
farms, manufacturing plants, and merchandise. By
* Six Numbers on Bankingf pp. 4 flF.
»Ibid; Mercury, June 18, 1816; Feb. 11, 17, 1817.
" CouratU, Aug. 12, 1817. The editor was inclined to view the de-
pression as due to drinking, the failure to honor honest labor, a specu-
lating mania, a departure from the old habit of living within income,
and the weakening of the evangelical virtues. Series of articles, Mar.
4, 1817, £f.
110 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
their manoeuvers, first flooding the market with
paper then contracting the currency, they were
thought to work their purpose. In the past men
of wealth had ready money to loan and, if a man
hoarded, it made little difference. Now, it was
added, the man of wealth has his money invested
in bank stock or on deposit. To get a loan, the
borrower must solicit the "rigidly surly, vehemently
authoritative, and fretfully great*' bank director.**
If one bank hoards, all refuse to discount. Pains
were taken to impress on readers that bank charters
were often dishonestly obtained; that directors
were frequently borrowers from their own banks
to the extent of from $15,000 to $50,000; that the
Eagle Bank had forced its stock down to 90 in
order to buy it in ; and that there had been corrupt
bank failures.** Banks were not original creators
of wealth, but only creatures of business and com-
merce. Hence they were not to be rated too
highly, nor were their lawyer-directors to be re-
garded as essentially men of honor. Banks were
especially attacked for buying up the Second
National Bank stock, a speculation pure and sim-
ple, for bank stock paid more than the customary
six per cent. Money was, it was felt, drawn from
local circulation, while the people were silenced
by the bankers* pretense of patriotic motives.
The criticism was not surprising, with United
States bonds rising, and bank shares increasing
•• Six Numbers on Banking^ p. 15,
"/Wrf., pp. 5-8, lS-17.
BANKS AND THE INCREASE OP CAPITAL HI
in value, and bankers apparently suffering less than
the business community at large.'®
This depression was turned by local Republicans
into a political asset. In 1816 they condemned
the governor's neutral speech as not what the
people anticipated with a six months' winter fac-
ing them,'^ and they attacked the purchase by
state banks of National Bank stock. Their charges
lost weight when, in the fall of 181 8, Governor
Wolcott was able to point toward coming prosperity
ushered in by the more substantial national bank-
ing system. Politically the depression benefited the
Republicans.
Closely associated with the banks both in point
of time and in the personnel of their governing
boards were the insurance companies. Sanford
and Wadsworth opened an insurance office in Hart-
ford in 1794.'* A firm known as the Hartford and
New Haven Insurance Company, with a life of
three years, started to insure on ships and mer-
chandise the following year. John Caldwell, John
Morgan, Wadsworth, Shipman, and Sanford were
its leaders. In 1795 the Mutual Assurance Com-
"0 New Haven HSst. Soc., Papers, III, 201 flF.
» Mercury, Oct. 22, 1816.
** This sketch of Hartford insurance companies down to the estab-
lishment of the Aetna in 1819 is based on the following: Statutes^ pp.
407, 410, 416, 419; Public Laws, pp. 25, 113, 131; Pease and Niies,
Gazetteer, p. 30; Caulkins, Norwich, p. 331; Field, Statistical Account,
p. 41; George L. Clark, History of Connecticut, pp. 392 fit.; Forrest
Morgan, Connecticut as a Colony and State, IV, 215 fit.; Frederick A.
Betts, "Development of Connecticut Insurance," Conn. Mag., VII,
4 flF.; Woodward, Hartford Bank, pp. 90 flf.; and Woodward, /nj«raiic«
in Connecticut.
^ ^ .. . . »^
112 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
pany of Norwich was founded. Two years later
the New Haven Marine Insurance Company was
incorporated with a capital of $50,000. The
Norwich Marine Insurance Company was char-
tered in May, 1803, with a capital of $50,000 and
the privilege of increasing to $100,000. In 1803
John Caldwell, Jonathan Brace and Ephraim Root
founded the Middletown Marine Insurance Com-
pany with $60,000 capital, to be increased to a
maximum of $150,000. At the same time the
Middletown Marine Insurance Company was es-
tablished with a capital of from $60,000 to $100,000.
In 1805 the Union Insurance Company of New
London was given a charter with a capitalization
of from $100,000 to $150,000. These were fol-
lowed by the fire insurance companies, the Hartford
Company being chartered in 18 10 with a capital
of $150,000, with the $250,000 limit. Among its
directors were men like Nathaniel Terry, Nathaniel
Patten, Thomas K. Brace, Henry Hudson and
Daniel Wadsworth. The New Haven Company
followed in 18 13, with a capital of $200,000. Isaac
Tomlinson, Titus Street and John Nicoll were among
its trustees. Ebenezer and Jonathan Huntington,
Elijah Hubbard, Joseph Alsop, and John R. Wat-
kinson also procured a charter in this session for
the Middletown Company with a capital of from
$150,000 to $300,000.
This array of names and figures is appalling.
It is, however, the only way to impress the reader
with the vast change in Connecticut's financial life
in this brief period and with the growth of a rather
SHIPPING AM) CARRY I ya TRADE 113
limited capitalist class. It is not too much to say
that the banking, marine and fire insurance com-
panies were controlled by the same men. . Nor
is it a bold generalization to add that the status
quo eminently satisfied this group^
2. Shipping and Carrying Trade
The impetus given the shipping business by the
foreign wars and the opening of the West Indies to
neutrals accounted in large part for the increase
in wealth after 1789. Prior to this there had been
little gain in shipping or commerce because of the
inability to cope with foreign competition.*' Con-
necticut thrived under this stimulus; the Con-
necticut Valley and Sound towns became the centers
of a prosperous trade. Tonnage increased; agri-
culture was encouraged ; and money became plenti-
ful, for profits were large despite seizures and ad-
miralty decisions. Men were convinced that the
state's future wealth lay bound up in shipping,
the sister industry of agriculture.
Connecticut schooners carried cider, butter,
cheese, spirits, tinware, clocks, plows, and wagons
to the South, especially to the port of Charleston.
A few ships cleared direct for Europe from New
London or New Haven with cargoes of grain,
though this export business was generally done
through New York. Numerous small vessels plied
their trade with the West Indies, bringing cargoes
** WOliam B. Weeden, Economic and Social History of New En^Umd,
n, 757, 772, 828, 833.
I
)
114 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
of grain, butter, meat, vegetables, tobacco, cattle,
horses and lumber from the northern states and
returning with sugar and molasses to be made into
rum. Never in the commonwealth's history had
there been such a lucrative trade.** An occasional
ship found its way to the East Indies in the wake of
John Morgan's Empress of China which in 1785
inaugurated American trade in Chinese waters.'*
New Haven before the century's end had a South
Sea fleet of twenty vessels, one of which, the
Neptune, had circumnavigated the globe in a three-
year cruise and brought back a cargo of tea, silk,
and chinaware which netted profits of $240,ooo.'*
In 1800 ship-builders from the Kennebec to the
Hudson were laying more keels, it Was reported,
than ever before in a season. New Haven's three
yards had built so rapidly that by this date the
town had fully eleven thousand tons of shipping.
Farmers were urged to increase their acreage and
plant larger crops and raise more stock. As Gov-
ernor Trumbull cautioned, the peace of Amiens
caused a marked decline, but, fortunately for Con-
necticut shipping, it proved but a time-serving
truce.*^
In 1807 the Derby Fishing Company was or-
ganized with a capitalization of $200,000, held by
** Pease and Niles, GateUeer, p. 13; Field, Haddam, p. 9; Caulkixu,
Narwich, pp. 307-308; Morse, Geography, p. 156; CourarU, Jan. 28, 1817;
Warden, Statisiical Account, II, 29; Woodward, Hartford Bank, p. 26;
Woodward, Insurance, pp. 3-5.
•» Woodward, Hartford Bank, p. 26.
* Levermore, Government of New Haven, p. 24.
*^Ihid.; Mercury, Mar. 20, 1800; May 26, 1803.
BM
!t_< _■ .
SHIPPING AND CARRYING TRADE 115
Derby and New Haven people. This company
owned several good ships which engaged in the
Newfoundland fisheries and in carrying to Europe
and the West Indies. For a time its success was
astounding, but it soon floundered under the spell of
evil days." New Haven, on the eve of the Non-
Intercourse acts, was a busy shipping center, as
many as a hundred foreign bound vessels annually
leaving its wharves. Duties on imports averaged
about $150,000. Its Long Wharf was lined by ship-
ping offices, rope-walks and commercial houses.
Few were its citizens not directly or indirectly
dependent on commerce. New London did a busi-
ness not less important.**
Non- Intercourse and Embargo dealt hard blows
to Connecticut shipping. Republicans suffered
silently and patriotically, or loyally condoned the
measures taken by the national administration.
The Federalists, however, continually became more
bitter in their opposition, and vigorous in their
protests. Some saw a studied attempt to ruin New
England's maritime wealth, with the intention
of developing Republican sections of the coun-
try; others feared that in encouraging manufac-
ture there would arise a capitalist class. The
Connecticut Courant saw no need for the "dam-
bargo," the avowed purpose of which was the pre-
vention of a foreign power's impressing "foreign
subjects, deserters, and renegades — Men who are
» New Haven Hist. Soc., Papers, HI, 175 flF.
•• Ihid., I, 97 fif. m, 162 fif.; Dwight, Statistical Account, pp. 54 ff.;
Starr, New London, p. 70.
116 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
never wanted on board American vessels; and
who are taking the bread from the mouths of the
native American seamen." The Declaration of
Independence,- it was recalled, had complained
of the cutting off of our trade with the rest of the
world. Yet the embargo was far worse — "the
little finger of Thomas Jefferson is heavier than
the loins of George the Third.'**®
Shipping was detained in the harbors, for even the
coasting trade was stringently regulated. Where-
as England blockaded France with squadrons and
France blockaded England by decrees, America's
plan of embargoing itself was regarded as the most
ludicrous as well as the most effective. New
Haven alone had seventy-eight vessels embargoed
in 1808.*^ State exports fell from $1,625,000 in
1807 to $414,000 in 1808, rising to $769,000 in
1 8 10. Duties in the four . collection districts fell
off similarly: New London, in 1807, paid into the
national treasury about $203,000, in 1808, $98,000
and in 1810 only $23,000; New Haven fell from
$158,000 in 1807 to $56,000 in 1809; Middletown
from $85,000 in 1807 to $49,000 in 18 10; and Fair-
field from $21,000 in 1807 to only $2,000 in 1809.**
Naturally there was distress and widespread
complaint. Farmers saw their markets cut off;
merchants were in despair; sailors and shipwrights
*• Sec articles, "Farewell to the Ocean," "The Times," Courant,
Apr. 27, May 11, 1808; Jan. 13, May 4, 1808.
^ Levermore, dnemment of New Haoen^ p. 26; New Haven Hist
Soc., Papers , HI, 167.
^ New Haven Address to the PresiderU of the Bank of the U. 5., pp.
12-16, 43, 44.
SHIPPING AND CARRYING TRADE 117
were idle; rope-walks were for sale. Grass was
growing on the wharves, honest sailors were driven
to clam-digging, sea-faring men were emigrating
to Canada. Canada, some feared, was being sent
a half-century ahead. Yet it is doubtful if the
situation was as depressing as Federalist memorial-
ists would have the President believe.** At any
rate the New Haven Manifesto, which was sent
around to the various towns, found responsive
accord only in Derby, Danbury and Lyme, and
a less hearty support in Meriden.** Obviously
the state could not have been on the verge of ruin.
The Embargo and Non- Intercourse acts were
hardly raised when war was declared. Ships fell
prey to British privateers. Carrying trade gave
way to the hazardous, but more profitable priva-
teering. Peace came, but brought no relief. Only
the coast trader could face British competition.
Europe no longer depended on neutral carriers.
The West- India trade was lost to America for a
considerable period. No state suffered greater
injury than Connecticut. New Haven's Long
Wharf, which best represented the state's com-
mercial greatness, followed the Union Wharf into
a speedy decline. Marine insurance concerns failed.
The Derby Fishing Company, the largest shipping
concern, went bankrupt because of losses at sea by
seizures, and because of the decline of business.*'
« Courant, Jan. 13, Aug. 31, Dec. 28, 1808; May 9, 1810. For a
less sombre, more patriotic view, see Mercury, May 26, Sept. 8, 15, 1808.
** InfrGy p. 000.
* Caulkins, Norwich^ pp. 309, 330; Starr, New London, p. 70; Field,
Haddatn, p. 9; Woodward, Hartford Bank, pp. 34-35; New Haven Hist
Soc., Pa^s, I, 97-99. HI, 175.
118 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
These failures ushered in the hard times which
were aggravated by speculative ship-building in
1815." Governor Smith in 1816 sorrowfully re-
ported that foreign ships were driving Connecticut
vessels into dry-dock even when it came to carry-
ing domestic products.*^
Governor Smith blamed the convention with
England, by which duties imposed on domestic
and foreign tonnage were equalized. He would
return to the earlier discriminating duties which
so benefited American interests, arguing that the
extension of the merchant marine should ever be
a favorite national policy/' He clearly repre-
sented the old interests and old capital of the state;
but no number of Federalist memorials to Con-
gress could prevent the change. A new era was
ushering in manufactures as the chief pillar of the
state's wealth.
^ While tonnage statistics are unreliable, the following will show
the obstinacy with which shipping men clung to their belief in the state's
future on the sea. Middlesex County alone launched 7,500 tons in
1815. Figures for the state follow:
t4ms
1800 32,867
1811 45,000
1815 50,358
1816 60,104
1818 60,000
Field, Statistical Account^ pp. 17, 128; Morse and Morse, Guide, p.
91; Morse, Geography, p. 166; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 14; Warden,
Statistical Account, II, 29; Caulkins, Norwich, p. 309; New Haven Ad-
dress (1816), pp. 12, 38.
<^ Courant, Oct. 15, 1816.
«/6tt/.. May 14, 1816
manufactures 119
3. Manufactures
The development of extensive manufacturing
interests characterized the state's economic history
from 1800 to the end of our period. Manufac-
tures were encouraged by the Non-Intercourse
acts, the war and blockade, the tariff and, to a
considerable extent, by national patriotism. Yan-
kee resourcefulness, adaptability and inventive
genius assisted materially. The character of the
country, affording cheap power and easy access to
markets, proved advantageous. Again, the time
was propitious. With commerce destroyed, capital
invested in shipping turned to new ventures.
There was a considerable accumulation of money
which the banking system made available. Con-
ditions were so favorable that manufactures were
given a start by 181 8 which foretold their future
greatness.
The colonial period of manufacturing lasted until
the turn of the nineteenth century.** Political
independence had but little effect, though possibly
more than is generally suspected. The removal
of the restrictive measures gave some stimulus.
The absence of a manufacturing boom can be
accounted for by the lack of capital, the impossi-
bility of launching infant factories in the face of
English competition, and scarcity of labor, a situa-
tion which was in no way neutralized by the inven-
tion of labor-saving devices.
** J. Leander Bishop ended his first volume of the History of Ameri-
can Manufactures from J 60S to J 860 with the year 1800.
120 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: m^ISli
WTiile the state continued to be essentially agri-
cultural, there was an increasing output of domestic
manufactures.*^ Tench Coxe reported a surplus
of "Yankee notions" for export. Every tillage
had its sawmill and gristmill operated by men,
whose time was shared in farming. Unsuccessful
attempts to raise silk had been fathered by men
like Ezra Stiles. Paper mills were established in
Norwich, East Hartford, Westville and Danbury.
These mills produced annually by 1787 about
$9,000 worth of paper. There were stocking looms
at Colchester, Meriden and Non^'ich. A t^pe-
foundry at New Haven employed several men and
boys. Colonel Wadswortn, encouraged by the As-
embly, built a woolen factory at Hartford which
furnished Washington the domestic woolens he is
reputed to have worn on the occasion of his first
address to Congress." Its annual output amounted
to 5,000 yards at five dollars a yard. Noruach,
Westville and East Hartford had cotton mills.
Clocks were made at East Windsor, Bristol, and
** Weeden, Economic History ^ II, 855; Bishop, American Manufac-
tures, I, 103, 131, 200, 205, 207, 213, 250, 360, 413, 417, 516, 520. II,
ch. 1, 45, 75-76; Statutes, p. 421; Woodward, Hartford Bank, p. 27;
Thorpe, North Haven, p. 164; Atkins, Middlefield, pp. 21-25; Gillespie,
Meriden, pp. 214 fif.; Hall, Marlborough, p. 29; Goodwin, East Hartford,
pp. 155-162; Barber, New Haven, p. 58; Timlow, Southington, pp.
119, 422; Oilman, Norwich, p. 221; Pease and Mies, Gazetteer, pp. 56-
57; Allen, Enfield, I, 492; Jennings, Bristol, pp. 47-49; Baker, Mont-
vitte, pp. 621 ff.; Hughes, East Haven, pp. 115 fif.; Church, Address^
pp. 46-48; Atwater, Kent, p. 81; W. H. Pynchon, ''Iron Mining in
Connecticut," Conn. Mag., V, 22 fif.
" Bishop, American Manufactures, I, 418; Chester W. Wright, Woo^
Crowing and the Tariff, p. 12.
MANUFACTURES 121
Norwich. An Irish tinsmith established the first
American tinware factory at Berlin. The iron in-
dustry, known since the earliest days of the colony,
was centered in Salisbury, Enfield, and Canaan.
Slitting mills, iron-rod and nail machines, and
forges were set up in increasing numbers. Powder
mills were not unknown; and in 1798 Eli Whitney,
defrauded of the profits of his cotton-gin, had con-
tracted with the government to manufacture fire-
arms. Nor must the state's most thriving business
be forgotten, that of distilling rum.
These concerns were all small, employing a few
men who were apt to give part of their time to
agricultural work. There was no class of factory
labor. Rural rather than town life was stimu-
lated. The cities, imbued only with the impor-
tance of commerce, were not affected.** In short
it was but the first step from the domestic to the
factory system.
The introduction of merino sheep inaugurated
the new epoch in Connecticut manufactures as
well asv in the woolen industry." Coarse cloths
for local consumption continued to be made in
the homes. Carding machines were installed at
every crossroads to card the housewife's wool on
shares or for seven or eight cents a pound. Domes-
tic manufacture of woolens increased as it was en-
couraged by the conditions which gave rise to the
" Swift, System of the Laws, II, 155.
''Letter from Robert Livingston to a Southerner, Mercury^ Aug
15, 1811.
122 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
woolen factories, these conditions being the scarcity
and high price of woolens.
The Non-Intercourse acts and the Embargo
prevented the importation of fine English cloths.
Prices of woolens rose at the very time America
was in the high pitch of the merino mania. Full-
blooded sheep were becoming numerous ; old flocks
were improved and increased. Early attempts
by merino enthusiasts to weave cloth of English
quality were regarded as highly successful. Labor
was unusually plentiful owing to the depression in
shipping and agriculture. Money was freer, with the
opportunities for investment in shipping and agri-
culture lessened. Such were the conditions which
gave rise to the Connecticut woolens industry.
By 1 8 10 the woolen industry was fairly well es-
tablished." The Republican party called for its
support on the patriotic grounds that American
manhood should be freed from the necessity of
wearing a ''foreign livery." The oncoming war
clinched the point. All imports were embargoed,
this time by the enemy country. Prices of fine
cloths rose to nine and ten dollars a yard, and the
demand for merino wool maintained a high price
despite the great increase of the sheep-herds.
Woolen factories sprang up under the encourage-
ment of such favorable conditions, without ap-
parently injuring household manufactures. Rather
more intense was the zest with which the spinning
wheels of the hearth were turned.
** See Note 1, p. 137.
MANUFACTURES 123
General Humphreys, the prime promoter of
agriculture and merinos, was among the first in
the country to manufacture high-grade woolens.
His interest was purely experimental, and his dis-
play of cloths at fairs of agricultural and domestic
manufactures was intended to demonstrate the
value of improved sheep. The success of these
endeavors caused Humphreys to establish a
clothier's works. Jefferson wrote that he under-
stood that the best cloth in America was made by
Humphreys, and that, as "Homespun is become
the spirit of the times, I think it an useful one and
therefore that it is a duty to encourage it by
example.**" This he did by purchasing a suiting
through the agency of Abraham Bishop. Madison
at his inaugural is said to have worn a suit cut
from the Humphreys cloth.** In 1810 the Hum-
phreysville Manufacturing Company was chartered
with a maximum capital of $500,000 in $400
shares.*^ While David Humphreys, Oliver Wol-
cott and Thomas Vose were the incorporators,
others were probably associated with them. They
agreed to employ a teacher for three months to .
instruct the child employees in the elements of
learning, religion, morals, and manners, probably
for the purpose of placating the domestic manu-
" New Haven Hist. Soc., Papers, I, 143-146.
** Johnston, Connecticut^ p. 343; Baker, MontoUle, pp. 621 fif.
*^ PtMic Laws, pp. 2S-31. For an account of the Humphreysviile
industry, see Cottrant, May 31, 1809; Atwater, Plymouth, p. 144; Camp-
bell, Seymour, p. 233; Sharpe, Seymour, p. 68; Warden, Statistical Ac-
count, U, 26; Bishop, American Manufactures, II, 167; Dwight, Travds,
m, 375 fif.; Pease and Niles, Gasetteer, p. 117.
124 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
facturers, who opposed factories on the grounds
of morality.** Then, too, this instruction bespoke
the mind of Connecticut regarding the elements
of schooling for all children. At any rate, condi-
tions were regarded as ideal and a proof that
American factories need not bring in the evils of
English factory life.**
This was immediately followed by the Middle-
town Manufacturing Company, with a capital of
$200,000 in $1,000 shares, and a similar charter.
By 1 8 15 this company, housed in a five-story
building, employed from sixty to eighty hands and
manufactured annually $70,000 worth of cloth.*®
During the next four years a good-sized clothier's
works and another woolen mill were established
in Middletown, employing over forty people and
disposing of 25,000 pounds of wool a year. In
18 13 a broadcloth factory was built at Wolcott-
ville in which Oliver Wolcott was interested. Two
woolen factories of considerable capacity were
operating in Goshen. The Mystic Manufacturing
Company commenced business in 18 14 with a
capital of $200,000. Its manufacturing, however,
»• See article in Portfolio (1817), IV, 317.
** In May, 1813, at the instance of Humphreys, the old laws of
master and servant were revised to meet the new conditions; and a
board of visitors was appointed to oversee the education and moral
training of child employees. It is said that in New London, for in-
stance, factories wrought an improvement in living conditions. Public
LawSy p. 117; Sharpe, Seymour , p. 61; Niles* Register ^ VIII, 291; Mer-
cury, Nov. 10, 1818.
*^ Public LawSy p. 41; Field, Middlesex, p. 42; Bishop, American
Manufactures, U, 180.
MANUFACTURES 125
was of a general nature, including brass, iron,
engines, as well as cotton and woolen goods.*^
New London County had in 1815 fourteen
woolen factories; Litchfield County counted at
least eight, besides some forty-six cloth-dressing
establishments. Hartford County in 1818 re-
ported nine woolen factories in addition to about
thirty-seven fulling mills; New Haven County,
five woolen mills and thirty-three fulling mills;
Fairfield County, nine woolen mills besides twenty-
nine fulling mills and clothiers* works; Windham,
the cotton manufacturing county, ten small woolen
works with thirty-seven fulling mills; Middlesex
County, five woolen factories and seventeen fulling
mills; and Tolland County had eleven fulling mills
and a good number of carding machines, even
though there was no woolen factory. Throughout
the state there were about sixty woolen factories,
although in 18 19 only five had a capacity of over
10,000 pounds of raw wool a year.**
The decade of the Embargo and War witnessed
not the birth, but the real beginning of the Con-
necticut cotton industry."* Cotton manufactur-
ing had attained importance in Providence, Rhode
Island, because of the early endeavors of Samuel
Slater and the Browns. Favorable trade condi-
« See Field, Middlesex, pp. 42-43; Pease and Niles, GazeUeer, p. 272;
Orcutt, Torringtonf pp. 92 fF.; Wheeler, Stonington, p. 141; Bishop, Amer-
ican Manufactures ^ II, 194-195.
^ See Warden, Statistical Account , II, 26; Pease and Niles, Gasetteer,
pp. 37, 95, 141, 170, 204, 230, 271, 289; Niles* Register^ VIII. 291;
Bishop, American Manufactures, II, 195; Wright, Woid-Growing, p. 43.
» Stiles, Diary, III, 525; Dwight, Connecticut, p. 414.
126 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
tions such as low-priced cotton and extravagant
prices for cloth, caused such a rapid extension of
the business into Connecticut that the Windham
Herald in i8i i was justified in asking: **Are not the
people running cotton mill mad?"" Cotton cloths
were woven in factories built by stock companies,
whose subscribers were small investors of the
farming class or local capitalists,** rather than
in the homes. Probably this was due to the fact
that cotton became known in the factory age,
whereas centuries-long was the association between
the home and homespuns. However, according
to Tench Coxe, flaxen goods to the value of about
$800,000 were woven in the home in 18 10."
Windham County, because of its proximity to
Rhode Island, early became the center of the in-
dustry. In 1806 the Pomfret Manufacturing Com-
pany bought 1 ,000 acres of land and built a factory
involving a capital of $60,000. The size of their
holding made it possible to exclude taverns from
the vicinity of the factory and to offer farm-work
to the parents of child employees. A school and
church were built, attracting attention as a favor-
able contrast to the English system. Work was
given to the townspeople, some of whom were
able to save from $50 to $200 a year from their
earnings.*^ In Sterling there were three cotton
*• Lamed, Windham County, II, 402.
* Junius in Norwich Courier, quoted in Mercwy, Nov. 3, 1818.
• Tables, p. 28; NUes' Register, II, 323 flf.
^ Bishop, American Manufactures, II, 113; Lamed, Windham County,
n, 400; Pease and Niles, GatOUer, p. 219.
MANUFACTURES 127
factories in 1818, one with 1,600 spindles. Thomp-
son had three plants which by 181 8 were turning
5,000 spindles. Plainfield built four cotton fac-
tories between 1809 and 181 8. Killingly's four
mills with 5,000 spindles employed a large number
of hands, and represented an outlay of $300,000.
Woodstock had a large cotton factory and a com-
bination cotton and woolen mill. In 1818 this
county had twenty-two cotton mills, about one-
third the number in the whole state — an in-
crease of eighteen in eight years. The industry
from the point of numbers engaged and the value
of the product was second only to agriculture, and
served to check emigration by giving employment
to the surplus population.**
Hartford County had five cotton mills in 18 10,
and thirteen in 181 8; only the Hartford Manu-
facturing Company, the Marlborough Manufactur-
ing Company, and one at Glastonbury were
important. The Marlborough factory, capitalized
at $42,000 in 18 15, made a specialty of blue cotton
slave-clothes. New Haven County had only two
mills in 1818, the one at Humphreysville and
another in New Haven. During these years New
London County built nine small mills. The town
of Norwich had a factory with 1,200 spindles; and
in Groton there were woven, but chiefly in the
domestic way, 500,000 yards a year. Altogether
the counties of Fairfield, Middlesex and Litchfield
had only twelve small cotton factories in 18 18.
*• Pease and Niles, GateUeer, pp. 17, 213, 217, 222, 224; Lamed,
Windham County, II, 402, 458; Coze, Tables, p. 28.
128 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Nine cotton mills were scattered throughout the
towns of Tolland County, but the two in the town
of Hebron, with 2,000 spindles, were alone worthy
of note/*
These manufacturing concerns each represented
an outlay of from $30,000 to $300,000 in lands,
buildings, and machinery, according to the con-
tention of a firm supporter in 18 18. This, he
argued, the state should consider by conserving
their welfare. He saw in the growth of manu-
factures a cessation of the population's '^continual
surges to the West.** **In the three eastern dis-
tricts of Connecticut," he continued, "the travel-
ler's eye is charmed with the view of delightful
villages, suddenly rising as it were by magic, along
the banks of some meandering rivulet; flourishing
by the influence and fostered by the protecting
arm of manufactures.**^® His was a sanguine, but
not an untrue picture.
While the rise of cloth factories was the most
noticeable feature in the transition from agricul-
ture to manufacturing, other industries grew rap-
idly apace. By 18 10 there were twenty-four flax-
seed oil mills, with a productivity of $65,000.
Five hundred distilleries produced 1,374,404 gal-
lons of spirits, valued at $800,000. Buttons valued
at $100,000 were annually turned out. Four
hundred tanneries did a three-quarter million-
•• Pease and Niles, GazeUeer, pp. 37, 43, 75, 82, 101, 117, 147, 154, 170,
230, 270, 289, 292, 296, 302; Niles' Register, VHI, 291; HaU, Marlborough,
p. 29; Coxe, Tables, p. 28.
^0 Junius in Norwich Courier quoted in Mercury, Nov. 3, 1818.
MANUFACTURES 129
dollar leather and shoe business. Eighteen rope-
walks were worth about $250,000. Fourteen houses
produced yearly $60,000 worth of glass and pottery.
Three rolling mills and eighteen naileries did a
$30,000 business. Gun factories had a capacity
of 4,400 guns per year. The tinware industry
amounted to $139,670, with brass goods at $50,000.
Eight blast furnaces and forty-eight forges pro-
duced $184,000 worth of bar iron. Thirty- two
trip hammers added nearly $100,000 to the iron
products. Seven mills manufactured gunpowder.
Combs to the annual value of about $125,000,
paper products from nineteen mills at over $80,000,
hats and bonnets at $560,000, and silk, stock-
ings, and suspenders at nearly $140,000 reveal the
variety of manufactures already established.'*
The grand total of manufactured goods returned
by the census marshals amounted to $5,900,560,
in 1810, leaving only Massachusetts, New York,
Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia in the lead.
Tench Coxe, however, estimated the total out-
put at $7,771,928." In 1 8 10 an actual survey
map, published by Hudson and Goodwin of the
Connecticut Courant, shows the location of all
factories, mills, distilleries, and furnaces. Their
number is surprising and must have astonished
even the best-informed men of the state. While
no attempt was made to differentiate between small
and large factories, forges and the like, the signifi-
cance of the mere compilation must not be under-
" Coxe, Tables, pp. 28-30.
** Coxe, Tables; Bishop, American Manufactures , 11, 163.
130 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
estimated. One is impressed with the fact that
Comiecticut's fairly extensive manufacturing did
not mean the concentration of industries in cities
or in sections.
During the following decade (1810-1820) these
industries increased in number, size and output.^*
Powder mills increased from seven in 1810 to
thirteen in 1818; paper mills from nineteen to
twenty-four; and glass works from two to four, to
cite random examples. Forges, furnaces, naileries,
oil mills, gun shops, and tin works all enlarged
their capacity and output. Litchfield County re-
ported thirty-nine forges for every conceivable kind
of iron goods. New Haven, Hamden, Berlin, Mid-
dletown and Hartford manufactured guns, swords
and pistols. Two of the Middletown munitions
factories alone employed one hundred men. The
twenty-four paper mills of the state had as centers
Norwich and East Hartford. Carts journeying
from town to town with the products of the tin-
plate factories became usual sights on distant turn-
pike roads. The manufacture of clocks became in-
creasingly important. Button factories profited
along with the clothing industry. Their employ-
ees numbered many women and children who were
thus enabled to assist in the family support.
^* Coxe, Tables J p. 28; Pease and Niles, GazeUeefy county tabulations,
also pp. 14 flF., 95, 170; Conn. Mag., V, 278 ff. VII, 628; Church, Ad-
dress , p. 46; W. W. Lee, Barkhamstead, pp. 37, 47; Field, Middlesex,
p. 43; Jennings, Bristol, pp. 47-49; Gillespie, Meriden, pp. 352-355;
Dwight, Connecticut, p. 413; Dwight, Travels, II, 43, 45; Bronson,
Waterbury, pp. 559 flF.; Anderson, Waterbury, 1, 502; T'unlow, Soutkington,
p. 422; Courant, Jan. 29, 1812.
M
MANUFACTURES 131
Danbury in 1810 had some fifty-six hat shops,
but none employed over four men. By the
end of the decade they had grown considerably
because of improved machinery and the cessation
of foreign competition. The leather trade of
Hartford, Bridgeport, New Haven and Norwich
flourished. Plows, wagons and carriages were
made in New Haven, Burlington and Enfield
for local and southern trade. The distilling in-
dustry, while well represented throughout the
various towns, centered in Hartford County. As
a business, it proved especially profitable as the
waste could be utilized to fatten export-swine and
cattle. It was regarded highly, as it stimulated the
local grain production.^*
The manufacturing spirit was fast gaining sway.
Men were turning from languishing commerce to
manufacturing. There was a shifting of popula-
tion within the state from the country to the cities.
Hartford, New London, New Haven, and the
borough of Bridgeport were gaining in population,
while the smaller towns were at a standstill, or
actually being depopulated. A city laboring-class
was forming, as the census tables of 1820 amply
demonstrate.^*^ No state save Rhode Island could
show so large a percentage of its population en-
gaged in manufacturing.^*
Patriotism played an important part in stimu-
lating manufactures, being appealed to during and
^* Sec Note II, p. 138.
^ See Note III, p. 138.
^ Pease and Niles, Gazetteer ^ p. 14; Morse and Morse, Guide f p. 91.
132 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
after the War by writers, advertisers, and Republi-
can orators.'^ Republicans, playing the patriotic
tune, charged their opponents, who rather favored
household manufactures,^* with lack of genuine
Americanism. They argued that "it must be
truly gratifying to every true American to wit-
ness the rapid introduction and progress of manu-
facturing establishments in the various parts of
the United States. "^' The Federalist, a man of the
past, gloried in agriculture and shipping, while the
Republican, with more perspicacity, read the future
and approved manufactures and indepjendence.
This Republican attitude was in part oppor-
tunist, for local Republicans were bound to defend
the whole Jeffersonian policy, which incidentally
stimulated many industries. The Federalists, on
the other hand, attacked the Embargo on all
occasions and from every angle. It was ruining
the state's wealth, destroying agriculture and
commerce to the advantage of manufactures,
building up an aristocracy, corrupting the moral
life, driving men to smuggUng, and depriving
working men of labor.*® Senator Hillhouse saw
a betrayed New England, its commerce over-
thrown by visionary men. He deprecated the
state's diminishing importance in national affairs,
""Mercury, Apr. 5, 1810; July 11, 1811; Kentucky Reporter article
in Mercury y Dec. 16, 1817; Chronicle article in Mercury, Feb. 20, 1816;
article from the Aurora in Mercury, Oct. 24, 1811.
^ Trumbull's "Addresses to the Legislature" in Mercury, May 26,
1803; Courant, May 14, 1806; Mercury, May 28, 1807.
^* From The Democrat quoted in Mercury, Oct. 24, 1811.
'^ See hostile editorials, Courant, Mar. 30, Apr. 6, 1808.
MANUFACTURES 133
making it helpless to prevent a policy which drove
marines into factories.** Governor Treadwell's
spjeech of May, 1810, was bitterly assailed by
Republicans because they **read not a word of
manufactures, although they are more formidable
to Britain than a navy of 100 ships of the line.""
Governor John Cotton Smith, in 18 14, believed that
legislative encouragement had fostered manufac-
tures quite enough. Indeed, he feared that they
had been unduly increased, in the light of return-
ing commercial activities. Domestic manufac-
tures, he heartily advocated.*' This party division
became more noticeable during the War and the
hard years of the panic.
Peace in 18 15 marked prosperity's wane. This
the manufacturers learned as much to their sur-
prise as to their cost. England's attention was
wholly given to commerce and manufactures, and
her labor was never cheaper, for the discharged
soldier was returning to field and shop. Spanish
and German wool forced downward the price of
raw wool, as Russian hemp did in the case of that
commodity. The war-devastated continent offered
a poor market, but in America England saw an
opportunity if the competing industries could be
destroyed.
This could be done with ultimate profit by under-
selling them in their home market. Lord Brougham,
in a speech in Parliament, declared:
^ Letter to Noah Webster, Courant, Apr. 6, 1808.
^Mercury, May 24, 1810.
•" "Address" in CourarU, May 17.
134 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
It was even worth while to incur a loss upon the first
exportations, in order by the glut to stifle in the cradle these
rising manufactures in the United States, which the war
had forced into existence, contrary to the natural course of
things."*
This was the policy followed. America bought
unwisely on credit, thus playing into rival hands.**
The result was the financial and commercial de-
pression of the years 1815-1818.
The banks, hard pressed, were unable to redeem
their own notes or to make loans. Factories
and mills closed, as English goods forced prices
below the cost of production. Retailers were
deluged; imported goods were sold at auction.
Patriotism could not withstand sacrifice prices,
especially when English woolens were regarded
as the acme of perfection. The effect on the woolen
industry was appalling, nurtured, as it had been,
by monopoly prices. Unable to negotiate loans,
manufacturers failed or shut down; only a few
operated their factories. The whole industry bid
fair to be destroyed.**
Cotton manufacturing suffered almost as severe-
ly.*' Raw cotton rose in price because of the
foreign demand from thirteen cents in 18 14 to
twenty cents in 1815, twenty-seven cents in 1816,
and finally thirty-four cents in 181 8. At the
•* Bishop, American Manufactures, II, 212.
* Humphreys, Discourse (1816), p. 13.
"Wright, Wool-Grawingy p. 41; Field, Middlesex, p. 42; Pease and
Niles, Gazetteer, pp. 17, 43; Bishop, American Manufactures, III, 194;
Lamed, Windham County, II, 424, 427, 437; P. Perkins, Historical
Sketches, p. 58; John Cotton Smith's address to the Legislature,
Courant, May 14, 1816.
'^ Bishop, American Manufactures, II, 212 fif., 244.
MANUFACTURES 135
same time cotton goods were falling in value.
In this way the hope of a closer economic union be-
tween North and South through cotton and inter-
nal trade was doomed to disappointment. Yankee
ingenuity in cutting the cost of production by im-
proving power spindles alone saved the industry.
While woolen and cotton manufacturers suffered
most severely, all manufacturing was greatly hin-
dered by competition and the panicky conditions.
Economic depression meant general discontent.
Housewives found domestic spinning less profitable ;
factory operatives were idle; and men were forced
to emigrate. The party in favor of manufactur-
ing was in a position to make an effectual appeal.
Factory owners and stockholders desired favorable
legislation; and they recognized the interests of
the old order when commerce and shipping thrived.
Naturally, they turned toward the party which
supported manufactures. New capital and new
labor joined the new party, while old capital re-
mained Federalist in sympathy.
The tariff of 1816 assisted manufactures, but
did not satisfy the New England cotton and woolen
manufacturers who convened to draw up memorials,
beseeching Congress for more protection.®* There
was established a Connecticut Society for the En-
couragement of Manufactures whose purpose was
to advance manufactures in every legitimate way.**
Even John Cotton Smith in 1 8 1 6 declared that, while
'^ Bishop, American Manufactures^ II, 213, 214, 235.
•• Among its leaders were "Boss" Alexander Wolcott, Commodore
McDonough, and the Federalists, Judge Titus Hosmer and Asher
Miller of the Council. Constitution and Address (1817).
136 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
the enterprise of citizens had carried them too far, so
much capital had been invested that the state would
suffer if relief were not given. He inclined toward
a policy of bounties and exemptions by the state,
especially in the case of household manufactures,
or those allied with agriculture.*® The Assembly
of May, 1 817, four-fifths of whose members were
clothed in domestic woolens, exempted cotton and
woolen factories from taxation for four years, and
their employees from a poll tax or militia service. •*
A resolution was passed, urging citizens to buy
American manufactures that business might be
revived. Federalists condenmed this as partial
legislation, maintaining that all industry as well
as this particular branch had suffered a set-back.**
Democratic papers begged citizens to drive out
the ''foreign gew-gaws and finery," so unsuited to
Christians and Republicans, and to cease * 'sup-
porting tyranny in England by taking British
manufactures." They further exercised them-
selves to disprove the Federalist contention that
immorality, vicious poverty and factories were
concomitant. Federalist writers, pointing to the
current Spa-Fields riots, remarked that England as
the workshop of nations was not to be envied.
Manufacturing made the few rich. Pauperism in-
creased pauperism fifty-fold. Republicans argued
that, deprived of commerce, Connecticut must
look to manufactures to retain her pjeople. As a
*^ Address to the Legislature in CouratU, May 14, 1816.
•* Conn, Laws; Atwater, Plymouth, p. 144; Niles* Regisier^ XII,
360; Mercury, July 1, 1817.
^Courani, July 3, 8, 1817.
MANUFACTURES
137
further incentive they predicted that manufac-
tures would more closely cement the imion of states,
build up a coast shipping, and possibly even a
South-American trade rivalling that of England.
Party lines were drawn, for manufactures could
not be viewed nationally, but must be made
political capital. ••
NOTES
I. Woolen Statistics for 1810
CODOTXBS
Hartford
New Haven.
New London
Fairfield
Windham
Utchfield. . . .
Middlesex. . .
Tolland
YAIDS WOOLBN
OOOD6 IN lAMX-
UXS
188,663
131,054
114,760
139,572
109,852
281,184
67,062
86,998
1,119,145
WOOUBN
VAI.DB
lAC-
TOSIS8
$193,311.45
2
141,676.75
1
83,683.04
5
157,229.74
2
86,688.50
1
278,496.68
3
85,406.76
1
71,749.00
$1,098,241.92
15
LOOMS roft
GOTTON AMD
WOOLENS
2,372
1,566
2,240
1,897
2,435
3,279
1,101
1,242
16,132
Hartford. . . .
New Haven.
New London
Fairfield
Windham. . .
Litchfield
Middlesex. . .
Tolland
CAIDXNG
liACHDnCS
35
28
19
36
17
30
10
9
184
POUNDS CAXDSD
73,419
776,500
79,999
101,200
64,470
85,000
20,000
3,500
504,088
FULLING
ICACEDraS
39
19
35
21
45
14
12
218
Taken from Tench Coxe, Series of Tables, p. 28.
** New York Columbian quoted in Mercury , Apr. 25, 1817; Mercury ,
Jan. 21, 1817; Mar. 10, Nov. 17, 1818; CourafU, Jan. 11, 1814; Feb. 25,
1817; Dwight, Decisions, p. 281.
t»
CONNECnCUT IN TRANSITION: I77S-JSJS
n. Kavufactukdig bt Commzs
H^ord C&mUj had 13 cottoo (actories; 9 woolen mflk: 37 faffing
oiilb; 38 trooPcarding machtnrt; 11 powder milk; 8 paper miOs; 5 ofl
miUft; 83 j^rain milb; 2 iofigts; a furnace; 2 glass works; besides con-
fid<rral:ile mamifacturing of buttons, spoons, combs, amd plows <for the
South). Pease and N'Oes, Gcxdieer, p. 37.
New Jlaven: 2 cotton factories; 5 woolen mills; 3S fulling mills; 30
woolKarding machines; a powder mill; 4 paper mills; 3 oil mills; 54
grain mills; a forge; a furnace; a great gun factory; and a considerable
output of tinware, buttons, clocks. Ibid., p. 95.
New London: 9 cotton factories; 16 woolen; 15 fulling mills; 18 wool
CMidtn; 3 paper mills; 2 oil mills; 70 grain mills; 2 forges. Ibid., p. 141.
FaiffieU: 5 cotton factories; 9 woolen; 29 fulling mills; 40 carders; 2
paper mills; 80 grain mills; a forge, a rolling and a slitting mill; Danbury
hail and leather goods a leading industry. Ibid.^ p. 170.
Windham: 22 cotton mills; 10 woolen; 37 fulling; 23 carders; 2 paper
mills; 2 oil mills; 85 grain mills; considerable iron, some silk, and combs.
Ihid., p. 204.
IMchfield: 4 cotton factories; 8 woolen; 46 fulling; 50 carders; 1 paper
mill; 2 oil mills; 62 grain mills; 39 forges; 5 furnaces; 8 anchor shops;
2 slitting mills. /^., p. 230.
Middlesex: 3 cotton factories; 5 woolen; 17 fulling; 16 carders; a
powder mill; a paper miU; 1 oil mill; 43 grain milk; 1 forge; 6 furnaces;
manufactures respectable; considerable commerce (about 100 vessek)
and shad fishing. Ibid., pp. 270-271.
Tolland: 9 cotton factories; 4 woolen milk; 11 fulling; 20 carders; 3
paper milk; 2 oil milk; 36 grain milk; 3 glass works; 2 forges; 3 furnaces;
manufactures, both domestic and commercial. Ibid., p. 289.
III. Figures for 1820
COUMTIBi
Ilartford
Hew Ilaven.
New London
Fairfield
Windham
Litchfield....
Middlesex...
Tolland
FOP17L4-
TIOM
AGUCUX/-
TintE
COXMSKCE
47,264
7,919
626
39,615
6,673
617
34,248
7,681
975
41,353
6,157
472
30,871
6,317
156
40,288
8,347
251
21,895
3,457
424
14,080
3,967 •
60
MANUTAC-
TUUCKS
3,315
2,648
1,847
3,083
1,851
2,682
1,582
533
E
CHAPTER IV
I . Emigration and Western Lands
MIGRATION, western lands, and the im-
provement of agricultural methods became
^questions of vital importance after 1800. They
were so interdepjendent that the discussion of one
involves the consideration of all. Emigration was
caused partly by the knowledge that lands, cheap,
fertile and abundant, were available on the frontier.
To prevent emigration, which was draining popu-
lation and increasing the cost of labor, agriculture
was encouraged. Something must be done, it was
reasoned, to enable the high-priced Connecticut
farm to compete with the enticing new lands of
the West. Because of their close association, the
three subjects will be treated in a single chapter.
"Emigration is a wholesome drain on a redun-
dant population," said Edmund Burke. The word
"wholesome" was used advisedly, for emigrants
^ as a rule are from the discontented class. Presi-
dent Dwight believed and even rejoiced that the
New Englanders who were going westward were
shiftless, ne'er-do-weel persons.^ One might differ
from Dwight by arguing that the emigrants, while
poor, were men of energy and force, with the
courage to venture on a new life in the wilderness.
At all events, they were dissatisfied with condi-
> Travds, III, 509-510.
139
140 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
tions. They felt oppressed and desired change, v^
They might not have been knowingly reformers
or radical in politics, but there was within them
a consuming fire which made of them potential
revolutionists. Emigration offered a panacea to
them, and to the state a safety-valve. To the
Standing Order it was a Godsend; for otherwise
this discontented mass must have broken down
restraints and forced an earlier reform, if not a
thorough upheaval.
The population of Connecticut could hardly be
described as redundant, even though at first the
economic life was agricultural, and intensive farm-
ing was unknown. From the time of the Revo-
lution there had been a heavy emigration which
continually increased until, by 1815, it became al-
most a migratory furor. In 1817 a western travel-
ler could write: ''Old America seems to be break- l/
ing up and moving westward."^
For such a movement there must have been an
occasion. The reasons are not far to seek, though
their ramifications strike deep into the vitals of
the state's life. Men were actuated by various
considerations, some vital, others secondary,. Some
were discontented with the narrow religious sysn/
tem of a state church, the close scrutiny over morals
and pleasures, the forced payment of tithes, and
the oppressive ministerial influence which per-
meated the whole atmosphere. These were likely
* Morris Birkbeck, Notes an a Journey in America^ p. 32. See also
Pease and Niles, GazcUeer, p. 11; NUes* Register, X, 39S,
EMIGRATION AND WESTERN LANDS 141
to be men of no religion or dissenters.' jQthers,
harassed by the social intrenchment, were at-
tracted by the frontier, with its liberality and
equality. Others were men of political ambition
who saw no hope of advancement under the Federal
Congregationalist r6gime. Still others were on
the underside of the economic scale with small,
worn-out and mortgaged farms. They might have
been farm laborers or men displaced by the failure
of the shipping business. To them the West offered
land and dreams of a future. Finally, due to their
enterprising character, Connecticut pjeople, like all
New Englanders, were supposed to have a natural
touch of wanderlust quite* in accord with the term V^
'* wandering Yankee."*
Prior to the Revolution there was a decided in-
.terest in the West. The Delaware Company, i^^
which as early as 1760 undertook settlements, was
a Connecticut company. The incorporators of
the Susquehanna Company were for the most part v^
from Connecticut, and chiefly from Windham
County. In 1 774-1 776 the Susquehanna district,
the ill-fated Wyoming Valley, was settled by Con-*^
necticut people and incorporated as a town at-
tached first to Litchfield County and later as a
separate county.* ^hineas Lyman, the hero of
Lake George in the French and Indian War,
* The emigration of dissenters was noteworthy. See Bronson,
Waierhufy, p. 314; Atwater, Plymouth, p. 429; Goodenough, Clergy of
LUchfield, p. 14; Kilboume, Sketches, pp. 303 fif.
* See Duncan, Travels, I, 106.
*Lois K. Mathews, The Expansion of New England, p. 119; John-
ston, Connecticut, p. 275.
142 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
migrated to West Florida, settling near Natchez.^
Litchfield County becoming fairly thickly popu-
lated, the Connecticut emigrant turned toward
more distant frontiers. He made his way up the
Connecticut River into the river counties of New
Hampshire, settled in the Berkshires, or pushed
• into Duchess or Columbia counties, New York.^
The war stimulated emigration by making men
familiar with new lands. It inaugurated the policy
of paying off soldiers in land-script. By way of
illustration the town of Salisbury found that of
its war veterans few ever returned, preferring to
settle in the new countries." Evidently the type
' of man who fought the war was represented in the
intrepid, stirring emigrant. There was a steady
increase in emigration, especially to western New
Hampshire and Vermont. • So great was the exo-^
dus fo the latter state, that it was colloquially often
spoken of as "New Connecticut." Vermont might |/
be considered the child of Litchfield County,
whence came so many of its colonists and early
leaders in political life, at the bar and in the pulpit.
For instance, the town of Middlebury was settled/
by people from Salisbury, Connecticut. The ros-
• Johnston, Connecticut , pp. 262, 277; Dexter, Biographical Sketches,
m, 36.
' Mathews, Expansion of New Englandy map opposite p. 124; Field,
Middlesex f p. 17; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer , p. 11.
• Church, Address, p. 50.
• Gov. Wolcott*s Address to the Assembly, Courant, May 16, 1796;
Field, Middlesex, p. 17; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 11; J. F. Mc-
Laughlin, Matthew Lyon, pp. 79 ff.; Mathews, Expansion of New England,
pp. 142 ff.
EMIGRATION AND WESTERN LANDS 143
•rcr of Dartmouth graduates emphasized the same
story, the trend toward the North. Of the two
hundred and eighty-four men who had taken
degrees up to 1790, one hundred and twenty-one
came from Connecticut, besides those who were
sons of emigrants.*®
There was a rush before 1800 for New York.
Enterprising young men with their families were
entering what was then termed the Genessee
Country, now Ontario and Steuben counties. It
was a Suffield man, the bank promoter, Oliver
Phelps, who was a partner in the purchase of this ^
huge tract of two and one-fifth million acres.
Naturally, he exerted himself to the utmost to sell
farms in this region. Through his efforts and
influence the Genessee became characteristically
Connecticut." Judge Hugh White of Middle-
town founded Whitestown, which rapidly increased
in wealth and population. Along with the neigh-
boring settlements of Binghamton and Durham,
it was an outpost of old Connecticut.** Then
there was a considerable movement of popula-
tion into the Western Reserve, which Connecti-
cut had sold in 1795 to the land speculators, chief
of whom were Oliver Phelps and William Hart."
No figures are available for emigration, but the
movement was sufficient to arouse misgivings.
^^ Mathews, Expansion of New England^ p. 133.
" Ibid., pp. 153 jff.; Woodward, Hartford Bank, pp. 47-49; Field,
Middlesex, p. 39; Church, Litchfield Centennial, p. 48.
" Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, pp. 88, 275; Dexter, Biographical
Sketches, V, 121.
»* Woodward, Hartford Bank, pp. 47, 70 ff.
144 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Population was kept at a standstill." States-*
men were questioning if it were good policy to
encourage this western movement, and if the land
speculator, by arousing the migratory spirit, was
doing a patriotic service.
From 1800 to the Second War emigration con-
tinued. New Hampshire, Vermont and Maine
lands appealed to thej^ew" while Pennsylvania
and western New York attracted large num-
bers. Kirby and Law's settlement in Pennsyl-
vania was described as rapidly enlarging, with
schools and churches already flourishing. The
lands of Wayne, Tioga, Northampton, and Luzerne
counties were advertised in all newspapers by the
agents who toured the East. These counties,
especially Luzerne, became Connecticut centers."
New York lands were boomed quite as much.
Genessee, Oswego, Greene, Delaware, Chenango,
Steuben, Tioga, Onondaga counties became famil-
iar to every one. Connecticut towns were pouring
out their * 'surplus'' population. Yet, great as was
the movement into these states, the distant Ohio
country was attracting even more emigrants.
|/ The Western Reserve drew with magnetic force
the emigrant. He knew that he was merely going
" Boyd, Winchester, p. 84; Lamed, Windham County, II, 294; Porter,
Historical Address, p. 88; Stiles, Diary, III, 311.
'* A million acres were offered in Lincoln County, Maine, with the
suggestion that this region was more suitable for Connecticut men than
the pestilential lands of the West. Courant, Aug. 13, 1806; see also
Caurant, Sept. 20, 1809; July 31, 1811.
'*The agent printed lists of Connecticut purchasers, Courant, July
31, Aug. 7, 1811. All these newspaper references are simply illus-
trative, for land advertisements appeared in all issues.
EMIGRATION AND WESTERN LANDS 145
to New Connecticut where the advantages of the
old state in the way of people, schools and churches,
were to be found in conjunction with cheap lands
and western freedom. Then, too, the Ohio Land
companies were closely connected with Connecti-
cut through officers or incorporators who were
natives.^' Rev. Manasseh Cutler, whose son lived
in Killingly, had for his surveyor a Connecticut
man, Jonathan Meigs. James Kilboume of Granby
was prominent in the Scioto Company ; and General
Cleveland of Canterbury was associated with all •
these ventures. Harrison and Randolph counties
were said to be in Connecticut hands. Five hun- ^
dred thousand acres were offered on the Lake Erie
turnpike road and four hundred thousand in Trum-
bull County by a Hartford dealer. Uriel Holmes, •
Lemuel Storrs, Ephraim Root, John Caldwell,
Jonathan Brace, Enoch Perkins and Thomas Bull
were among the leading local land agents. Busi- ,
ness was done on a large scale, every inducement
was offered, and words were not spared in the
portrayal of rosy vistas for the prospective emi-
grant. Rivalry only stimulated their activity,
their business shrewdness, and their descriptive
vocabularies. The land agent was serving his
purpose. ^^
The extent of this migration can be seen in the
rapid growth of the Western Reserve. As early
as 1809 it was said to contain 15,000 to 20,000
" Mathews, Expansion of New England ^ pp. 175, 179; Lamed,
Windham Counlyy II, 316; Dexter, Biographical Sketches, III, 664-666;
Courant, June 11, Nov. 12, 1806; May 20, July 22, 1807.
146 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
persons, with four counties, courts, eighty mills,
a furnace, ten stores, schools and a college." Rev.
Thomas Robbins, while a missionary, met many
Connecticut people and numerous personal ac-
quaintances. Closely scrutinizing the newspapers,
one is surprised at the number of exiles whose
names appear in the obituary columns. Margaret
Dwight, travelling from Old to New Connecticut
in 1810, was so impressed by the westward move-
rment that she wrote: *Trom what I have seen
¥ and heard, I think the state of Ohio will be filled
before Winter.""
^ The War of 181 2 brought a lull in emigration
and a slump in land sales. With peace declared,
the rush westward gained ever greater momentum.
Emigration in 181 5 had become a mania.*® The
state was in the throes of what was aptly termed
the **Ohio fever." Newspapers were again filled
with land advertisements by the New York and
Ohio land agents. Western correspondents' let-
ters were published along with articles descriptive
of the West, in order to further encourage emi-
gration. Widely circulated guides, gazetteers, and
books of travel played their share in this general
education. The omnipresent agent was nowhere
inactive. Young men who built roads in New
York or worked farther west during the dull season
^* See Uriel Holmes's land advertisement, CouratU^ Mar. 22, 1809.
Description of Reserve, ihid.^ Jan. 21, 1807. See G. Van R. Wickham,
The Pioneer Families of Cleveland, 1796-1840.
^* Diary, p. 47.
•• Mathews, Expansion of New England, p. 183; Boyd, Winchester,
p. 223; Duncan, Travels, I, 106.
i
Hi
EMIGRATION AND WESTERN LANDS 147
returned, praising the soil and climate. The New
England peddler brought back his usual store of
information concerning the new country and its
opportunities. All classes were interested. The
Yale Commencement oration in 1816, for instance,
was on the * 'Spirit of Emigration from Eastern
to Western States.""
The Ohio emigrant had generally been of the
laboring class, but by 181 5 many an emigrant was
a man of some means in his native state.^^ No
longer were western lands an experiment; men of
capital were becoming interested, as the safety of
investment was assured. No longer need there
be that dread of Indians at which the most coura-
geous quailed, for the whole region by test of arms
was American and the frontier had been moved
another stage westward. The depression and hard y^
times which so injured shipping and manufacturing
found the demand for agricultural products steady
and prices high. The hopes of internal trade were
being pointed out by far-seeing individuals and *
fostered by land speculators. Men were instinc-
tively recognizing the West's future. Eastern cap-
ital was being invested in western roads and canals.
As early as 1806 a Maine land advertisement
called attention to the importation of western
wheat into Massachusetts and Connecticut.^* The
^Courata, Sept. 24, 1816.
" Cf. Birkbeck, Notes, p. 144.
** Caurani, Aug. 13, 1806. About 1810 flour from New York and
Philadelphia came into general use, though before 1800 all flour was
locally milled. Allen, Enfield, I, 51.
148 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
i/Embargo days demonstrated the certainty of agri-
culture as compared with commerce. In 1817 the
Courant noticed the driving of hogs from Kentucky
to Georgetown, and from Ohio to New York, with
the observation that they were in as good selling
condition as if locally raised.** Market prices were
announced for grain, only to be followed in another
column with accounts of the bumper wheat and
rye crops of the Lake countries. A Windsor dealer
read the spirit of the inquiries after a market, when
he lauded the Western Reserve because of the
Philadelphia cattle market and the "newly dis-
covered Lake market of Montreal." With markets
available, men of means could afford to invest in
the new lands and emigrate themselves. Only the
"frontier farmer" class with its self-sufficient mode
of life could go beyond the markets.** The moving
westward of the frontier was a question of market-
stages quite as much as of classes of men.
^ Labor after the war received a low net wage, for
the cost of living was relatively high, and work was
scarce. Hence laboring men turned toward the
4 West where labor was held in respect, as it was in
demand. Wages were good and the necessities
of life cheap. The Cincinnati Liberty Bell ad-
vised Yankee, job-hunting, street-walking me-
chanics to come to a rapidly settling locality which
^ Courant, Jan. 14, June 24, 1817.
* Courant, Nov. 7, 1810; Aug. 5, 1817; Richmond Enquirer extract,
Courant, July 22, 1817. There is a valuable article on internal navi-
gation in The Portfolio (1817), IV, 165, abo one on the progress of in-
tercourse, Mercury, Oct. 6, 1808. See Charles W. Brewster, Rambles
about Portsmouth, H, 363-376.
EMIGRATION AND WESTERN LANDS 149
is self-supporting and democratic. The American
Mercury encouraged out-of-work mechanics to take
advantage of the attractive opportunities of Ohio,
^^uch appeals were not made in vain to debtors and
men who were willing to work with a future com-
petency as their goal.^'
The democracy of the West was widely heralded.!/^
Travellers from abroad or the East noted that in
the new country all citizens had a vital part in the
government.*^ Republicans of political aspira-
tions saw a future in this promised land where there
were no Tories, few lawyers or doctors, no tithe
gatherers, and where ministers were only ciphers.
To the West they looked for the preservation of
Republican principles as a counter balance for the
growing aristocracy of the East. Men knew that
the life led on the frontier could but breed
equality and social democracy." It was this
knowledge which proved one of the strongest in-
centives to emigrate.
Western lands, so easy of acquisition, were the
main cause of the exodus. While these lands were
not all the imaginative land agents portrayed
in their prospectuses, yet they were far more
fertile and productive than the worn-out farms of
Connecticut. Western lands required little care,
while home farms needed painful attention. Con-
necticut farms were relatively small, though there
>• Mercury, Aug. 30, 1815; Sept. 10, 1816; Courant, Aug. 5, 1817.
See Perkins, Historical Sketches, p. 59.
«' Birkbeck, Notes, p. 29.
•• New York Journal article in Mercury, Sept 6, 1810; Mercury,
Aug. 30, 1815. Note I, p. 172.
150 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
was a tendency toward consolidation and enclosure
— ^arrangements only possible'for the wealthy farmer.
i^ For the poor man the purchase of local lands was
out of the question, for prices ranged from about
fourteen to fifty dollars an acre, and taxes were
high." Better lands could be purchased for three
dollars an acre in western New York, Pennsyl-
vania or Ohio where taxes were at a minimum, and
transportation was becoming easier every year.*®
No lands were sold for taxes in Ohio, while every
year saw hundreds of small Connecticut lots sold
under the auctioneer's hammer.'^
^ The purchase of western lands was made easier
by the terms, often seven years, which the agent
allowed.'* He would trade large tracts for small
Connecticut plots; he would give special induce-
ments to men of standing who were already free-
holders; and to actual settlers he would sell lands
cheaper. In this the agent anticipated the later
national policy of selling lands at a low rate in
order to further settlement. The agent took care
of the poor man, selling farms as small as fifty
acres at a slightly increased price, when the govern-
ment would only sell to large purchasers. Here
again Congress was to learn.
** Pease and ^^les, Gateltecr, p. 214; Dwight, ConnecUcuif p. 440;
A Hartford farm was offered at $14 an acre. CauratU, Mar. 22, 1809.
at Granville for |22 and at ^^^nchester for $14. Ibid,, June 3, 1807;
Mar. 27, 1811.
^ComatU, Apr. 10, 1811; Feb. 27, 1816.
'^ John Kilboume, Ohio Gazetteer, p. 176. In Connecticut great
lists ol such lands were advertised eveiy year.
>* For instance, James Burr's notice in Cowranl, Mar. 19, 1816
See CamafU, May 24, 1809; Apr. 15, 1817.
■•=_ f.
EMIGRATION AND WESTERN LANDS 151
The number of emigrants cannot be estimated
even in the roughest way. Were such data avail-
able, the result would be astounding. The census
figures for the various towns picture the desertion
of Connecticut. Many towns were as large or
larger in 1790 than in 1820." Other towns were
more populous in 1800 than in 1820.'* The greatest
losses appear to fall between 1790 and 18 10.
While there was a distinct loss of population in a
number of towns from 18 10 to 1820, others re-
mained about stationary, with a few, where manu-
factures were developing city life, actually making
material increases.'* This is not surprising, for
there are instances when enough emigrants left a
town in a body to perpetuate its town life in the
new country.'* Other towns long bore visible
marks of their losses in the ruins of deserted houses
" Chatham, East Haddam, Bolton, Coventry, Hebron, Branford.
Cheshire, Derby, Southbury, Wallingford, Waterbury, Woodbridge,
Windham, Brooklyn, Lebanon, Voluntown, New Fairfield and Hartford.
M Ellington, Somers, Union, Voluntown, Franklin, Lisbon, Lyme,
Preston, Stonington, Kent, New Hartford, Norfolk, Plymouth, Roxbury,
Warren, Wolcott, Hampton, Suffield, Tolland and Colchester.
'* Middletown, New London, New Haven and Hartford made large
additions to their population, no doubt from the entrance of laborers
from the smaller towns. Hartford real estate, for instance, increased
in value 400% from 1801 to 1818. Pease and Niles, GazelUer, p. 44.
East Haddam, Bolton, Hebron, Union, Franklin, Stonington, Cole-
brook, Cornwall, Sharon, Derby, East Haven, North Haven, Water-
bury, Windham, Hampton, New Fairfield, Newtown, Norwalk, Sherman,
Suffield — all remained practically at a standstill during the decade.
'• Danbury, Connecticut, to Danbury, Ohio. Plymouth to Plymouth,
Ohio. New Canaan founded Stillwater, New York. Pease and Niles,
GoaeUeer, p. 53; Atwater, Plymouth^ p. 429; Goodenough, Clergy of LUck^
field, p. 14.
me *m
152 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
l/and shops, or a standing chimney in a solitary
field.'^ Looking at the total population of the
state, the percentages of increase from 1790 to
1800 are found to be five and four-tenths, from
1800 to 1810, four and three-tenths, and from 1810
to 1820, five as compared with thirty-five and one-
tenth, thirty-six and four-tenths, and thirty-three
and one-tenth for the United States.
^ Not only the number, but the quality of the
emigrants must be considered, in order to under-
• stand the state's loss and the nation's gain.
Generally the emigrant was of the farming and
laboring class, with a sprinkling of artisans and
an occasional merchant of financial backing. Still,
there were many professional men who sought
relief from too keen competition. A number were
Yale graduates. They were apt to be young
lawyers who hoped for political preferment and
wealth in the newer states. Some among them
rose to high positions in their new homes, thereby
demonstrating what their native state had lost
in not being able to retain them by offering equal
opportunities. This drain of the best blood dated
back of the Revolutionary War, but became more
noticeable as the call of western democracy echoed
louder.
Vermont was indebted to Litchfield County
alone for her first governor, Thomas Chittenden,
Ira and Ethan Allen, Governor Richard Skinner,
Senator Samuel Phelps, Senator Horatio Seymour
»^ See Boyd, WinchesUfy p. 223; Roys, Norfolk, p. 22; Allen, Enfield*
I, 51; Morris, Statistical Account, p. 17; Courant, Jan. 21, 1817.
EMIGRATION AND WESTERN LANDS 153
and many others less widely known.** Into
New Hampshire filtered many emigrants who
rose to distinction in politics, in the college and
the pulpit. Gideon Granger, later Postmaster-
General, emigrated to New York. Martin Welles,
the son of a Revolutionary general. Judge Hugh
White, Thomas P. Grosvenor, Governor Daniel
Dickinson, Philo Ruggles, Oliver Phelps, one of the
largest land speculators of his age. Chief Justice
Ambrose Spencer, General Peter JBuel Porter, Judge
Frederick Whittlesey, Charles Perkins, Amos Bene-
dict, and Isaac Baldwin were all leaders in New
York at the bar, on the bench and in politics.'*
Governor Samuel Huntington emigrated to the
shore of Lake Erie. Stanley Griswold, the un-
frocked Republican minister, first edited a Repub-
lican paper at Walpole, New Hampshire, and
later was appointed governor of Michigan Terri-
tory. Horace Holley was called to the presi-
dency of Transylvania College. Even Theodore
Dwight, the partisan Federalist, found greater
prosperity as editor of an Albany paper. Rev.
Azel Backus became president of Hamilton College,
Georgia. This list*^ might be increased. Statis-
*• Pease and Nilcs, Gazetteer y p. 123; Kilboume, Sketches, pp. 89,
91, 117, 161, 277, 303-307; Church, Address, p. 50; G. H. Hollister,
Connecticut, III, 598.
»• Winslow Watson, Memoirs of Elkanah Watson, p. 414; Pease and
Niles. Gazetteer, pp. 88, 220, 275; Kilboume, Sketches, pp. 187, 203,
208, 273; Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History, pp. 240, 252, 492,
524, 528, 536, 561.
" Pease and Niles, Gazettes, pp. 53, 240, 262, 294; Atkins, Middle-
field, p. 21; Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History, p. 237.
154 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
tics enough have been given to show the calibre of
the men lost to the state and, incidentally, to the
reform party.
^ The state was highly wrought up over the emi-
gration problem by 1817. Every influence was
exerted to stem the ever-growing outward tide of
fortune seekers. Editors and news-writers waged
a mighty conflict.*^ The glowing descriptions of
land speculators were exposed, though the effective-
ness was often minimized, because of the obvious
purpose in mind. Many were the accounts of
floods and storms, and of unhealthy regions where
men worked themselves into untimely graves.
Stories were recounted of men broken down in
spirit and fortune who pined for their forsaken
hearths. Emphasis was placed on the burden-
some privations of a land without churches, schools
and roads. It was **a deplorable species of mad-
ness," this going simply into the **West,'' with
no idea of the particular section. Helpless, it was
said, they were before avaricious speculators who,
without a moral scruple, sold the untamed wilder-
ness. Is the West an Eden for which the rest of the
** Humphreys, Discourse (1814), p. 15. For a few characteristic
accounts, including an exposure of the Western Emigrant Society of
Cincinnati, see Couranty Aug. 26, Sept. 30, Oct. 7, 21, 1817; Mercury,
Sept. 30, 1817. The Farmer's Song from Portland GazeUe in CouratU,
Dec. 9, 1817, expressed their views:
Let the idle complain,
And ramble in vain,
An Eden to find in the West,
They're grossly deceived
Their hearts sorely griev'd
They'll sigh to return to the East
;^*TC
EMIGRATION AND WESTERN LANDS 155
country should be deserted? This was the question
for the prudent farmer and mechanic to consider.
Men were advised not to be seduced from happi-
ness by a log hut, but to ponder before the wild
spirit of this epidemic. Better **tarry at Jericho,"
some counselled, than chance the so-called "prom-
ised land." One newspaper strove to abate the
delirium with the argument that:
When the civil, social, literary and religious institutions
of New England are taken into account, it seems the height
of madness for men, who have no extraordinary reasons for
removal, to leave their homes for the wild lands of the west,
and their still wilder state of society.**
The editor of the New York Columbian^ com-
menting on the anxiety of Connecticut papers over
the emigration furor, believed that the New Eng-
lander was not inclined to migrate and hazard the
unknown, but rather to bear ills. He observed
that:
Political disaffection and religious intolerance has, no
doubt, been one considerable cause of emigrations from
those states. By rendering it the interest and happiness
of our population to stay at home, is the only way to check
the rage.**
The economic causes which the neighboring editor
overlooked were difficult to counteract. Those
who urged argicultural [improvement and the en-
couragement of manufactures were working along
the right lines. In this way alone could prosperity
be revived and population be kept at home.
<* Dedham GomOU in Courani, Sept 30, 1817.
<> Quoted in Mercury, Oct 21, 1817.
156 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Immigrants, on the other hand, seldom turned
toward Connecticut. This could hardly be ex-
pected, for a foreigner was not apt to choose a state
whose own citizens were largely emigrating. Then,
too, the immigrant, who rather feared the Puritan,
heard the call of the West. Furthermore, the
emigrant was welcomed in the new countries,
whereas in Connecticut he was received with cold
disfavor, not being able to hold land without
a special legislative license.*^ President Dwight,
who had a strange dread of the French spy system,
looked with fear on the immigrant, even though he
were headed for other states.*^ His misgivings in-
dicate the general attitude, and explain the reason,
y^ as a traveller remarked, why "Foreign emigrants
seem never to think of New England."" Stiles, as
the exception, was always interested in immigration,
and far-seeing enough to realize the important part
it would play in American history:
Manufactures and artizans, and men of every description,
may perhaps come and settle among us. They will be few
indeed in comparison with the annual thousands of our
natural increase, and will be incorporated with the pre-
vailing hereditary complexion of the first settlers; — We
shall not be assimilated to them, but they to us, especially
in the second and third generations. This fermentation
^ StatuUSf p. 350. A Republican bill introduced in Oct. 1817, to
allow foreigners to hold land, was withdrawn because of the opposition
lest all the rogues of Europe take advantage of it. CourarUy Oct. 28.
*^ Decisions, Dispute 2. Cf. Morris, Statistical Account y p. 95:
''Only two European families have settled in Litchfield [town]; they
came from Ireland, and were respectable." See also Webster, Ten
Letters, p. 25.
*• Henry B. Fearon, Sketches of America, p. 99.
EMIGRATION AND WESTERN LANDS 157
and communion of nations will doubtless produce something
very new, singular and glorious.*^
The inhabitants were almost entirely of English
descent, with a few French, Scottish or Irish people
among them. David Field in his Statistical Ac-
count of the County of Middlesex unconsciously
emphasizes this point when he described the pauper
class as universally natives, **as foreigners rarely
reside with us long enough to become inhabi-
^ tants."** Due to the lack of racial mixtures,
there was a pride in the purity of their native blood,
which in part accounted for the Connecticut atti-
tude toward the foreigner and the feeling of su-
periority to the cosmopolitan, frontier communi-
ties. This offers an additional reason for the new-
comer turning toward the states where all races
intermingled.
Yet a noticeable change appeared about 1815
in the attitude toward immigration, even though
not toward the individual immigrant. As emi-
gration increased, as the population of towns
dwindled, as labor became scarce and higher-priced,
and as factories required more hands, an interest
in immigration was aroused. There were jealous
eyes cast on the new states, with their increasing
population, greater wealth and political power.
The Connecticut Courant lead the way by print-
ing extracts from other papers dealing with immi-
*'^ Sermon (1783), p. 50. In his diary and miscellanies he fre-
quently noted the ship-loads from Ireland to America.
*• P. 23. The Aurora commented on the paucity of foreigners,
quoted in Mercury , Jan. 6, 1803. See Morse, Geography, p. 158; Web-
ster, Ten LetterSf p. 25; New Haven Hist. Soc., Papers, III, 176.
-- ^ '^F-i--"-— -i-; -^- ^— • -r*«M»»Jh^lfe»BM— i^*— a^
158 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1811!
gration.*^ Articles appeared, commenting in a
hopeful tone on the enridiment of the country,
through the labor, brawn, and ideals which the
foreigner bartered for protection and freedom.
Republican writers, seemingly, were winning over
their opponents in this one respect at least.
Governor Wolcott expressed a growing feeling
when, in his address to the Legislature, he half
lamented Connecticut's failure to win her quota
of foreigners.^® Another decade was destined to
bring the immigrant when factories created a de-
mand for his labor."
2. Agriculture and Sheep Raising
American agriculture in the beginning of the
nineteenth century was generally admitted to be
inferior to that of England. This must have been
dismayingly apparent, to compel American recog-
nition of the justice of foreign criticism. The
conditions in Connecticut were no improvement
on those prevailing elsewhere." If anything, agri-
culture was at a lower level. The characteristic
conservatism of a rural community was here in-
tensified by the constitutional conservatism of a
Connecticut countryman.
In England agricultural methods and implements
had been improved by the experimental work and
«• Courant, May 21, Scpt 9, 23, 24, 1816; Mercury, May 21, 1816.
^Mercury, Oct. 14, 1817.
*' Article on Irish immigration, New Haven Hist Soc., Papers;
Allen, Enfield, 1, 5 1-52. The census of 1820 reported only 568 naturalized
foreigners.
tt Dwight, Travels, I, 81-82.
AGRICULTURE AND SHEEP RAISING 159
treatises of a number of scientific agricwhuralists ^'
of whom Arthur Young is best known. The Tory
land-holders could afford to experiment and hire
• the additional labor which intensified farming de-
manded. They were endowed with enough enter-
prise to try out the new ideas. The slow-moving
squires were impressed with the results and followed
the lead of the great landlords. Exceptionally good
local and foreign markets during the Napoleonic
Wars stimulated this interest in more scientific
farming.
In Connecticut the knowledge of the improve-
ments in English farming had no effect. There
was no class of large gentlemen-farmers to lead the
way ; indeed there were few cultivators of large farms.
The small freeholder, with his farm of 50 to 150 y^
acres, could not afford to be progressive. Afraid
of a surplus, he preferred to continue in the way of
his fathers, harvest a tolerable crop to meet the
local demand rather than speculate on a wider
market. The Napoleonic Wars created the mar-
ket, but the Connecticut farmer failed to take full
advantage of it, because of his neglect to improve
his farm so as to meet western competition. To
increase the output for a rather dubious sale,
would have meant an outlay for labor, better
implements, stock, seed, and fertilization. Care-
ful rotation of crops would be necessary, as well
as the introduction of new roots and grasses."
** Warden, in his SUUistical Account^ II, 27, estimated farms at
from 50 to 200 acres, held in fee simple by men comfortably well to do,
but not rich. In his Geographical Descripiion^ John Melish estimates
.r JFTHZTTTT" :?
-raxre
r::f n^
?r? :ze fs^izman "?ac?
13- 3r
gar-s^tt i"v:r5<: r#e=:^ t>: srvs' . cxies: were usi
for :he hea%y -srirk c-f tie larm. aiid hordes chiefly
Ujt fln^m^. S-a-ine alone were considered up to
th^ ^X2LTifiaTf\ by foreign observ'ers. This uk'as the
c^^diijV/n of farming in the early years of the
nim.'twmth century," when the era of impro\'enient
wa» inaugurated.
Irntn W Ut ^K) ^rf.%, p. 166, Pease and Niles agree with the former
tri lliilr (HturUrrr, p. 214. The Caurant, Dec. 16, 1817, in a list of farms
Un Mir, hnn oni! of 1,170 acres.
** Mntcilfil on thin suhjrcl is available in the accounts of travellers
lllii' hwlKlii, MrlUh nnil Harriott; Wclwlcr, Farmers* Catechism (1790);
i ii'ii frtiiifH Wftrrf'n'n roniparison of Kngllsh and American farming in The
AmnhfiH hhtsrum (17K7). 11, No. 2; Rev. Jarcd Kliot of Killingworth
\\\\\W ( I7ci0) /.'Mfiv* OH Hflil tlushxtn^ry in New England; and of great
srtliii' In tl NiwlH'riy, A^Artss heftirt Ikt iinHford Ctmniy Agricultural
S}^M\\ \\\ IM;t) An rm-rllrnl numiHtniph is that of Percy WcUs
IM*l\^i»U, ^fiM/ /.ftmrHHv in Xftc HnffanA rtl tkt Brgimmini of ike -Vine-
iA.aaKMHMwi
mmmmumm^'m^
wT- tf
AGRICULTURE AND SHEEP RAISING 161
American leaders, with the turn of the century,
became thoroughly imbued with the necessity of
agricultural reform. Connecticut fell into line.
Her statesmen encouraged the movement, on the
patriotic grounds of cutting off all European lead-
ing strings. Others saw new markets and hoped
to compete for the domestic and foreign trade.
Politicians displayed an interest in the farmer.
Shippers saw an increase in the carrying trade.
Provincially inclined men hoped to curtail western
emigration, which was destined to weaken New
England's power in the nation." The Embargo and
the War intensified the patriotic grounds. High
prices and the extension of internal and coast trade
lent force to argument. The siren-call of western
lands and the damaging emigration only stimulated
the movement, for it was rightly appreciated that
by scientific working alone could Connecticut land
compete with the fertile western fields.** Both
parties, all newspapers, in fact every element in
the community aided in bringing about what might
be called an agricultural revolution.
Agricultural societies were foimded in order to
educate the farmer. As these societies became
the promoters of agricultural colleges a couple of
generations later, it is interesting to record a Yale
debate of 1789 on the question: "Whether it would
be best to introduce agriculture into Colleges as a
** CouratUf editorial, June 9, 1811, feared that the newer states in
the Louisiana Purchase would render the North and East of as little
weight in Congress as the Irish delegation in the Commons.
•• Note n, p. 172.
162 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
classical study."*^ Whatever the outcome of this
particular debate, it is instructive in pointing out
a current interest. The work of the Philadelphia
Agricultural Society (1785) and the Massachusetts
Society for the Promotion of Agriculture (1792)
was followed closely by Connecticut readers. The
New Haven County Agricultural Society was or-
ganized about 1803.^* The Berkshire Agricultural
Society (181 1) and its president, Elkanah Watson,
had as great influence as the later Connecticut
societies of which it was the direct antecedent.
The importance of its work for the New England
farmer is not to be lightly estimated."
Watson was an intimate correspondent of General
Humphreys, who probably did more than any
other for the industrial development of Connecti-
cut during this period. In a splendid Address
(18 16) on the Agriculture of the State of Connecti-
cut and the Means of Making it more Beneficial to
the State, he pointed out that, while it was un-
fortunate that the state had no staple product,
yet with agriculture improving it would again
prosper as ''a commonwealth of farmers.** To-
ward this end, he gave the farmers a wealth of
advice, saying:
Those who remove, leave their farms behind them. Those
who will occupy them, must endeavor to make these landed
estates more productive by good husbandry. The best
means to prevent emigration, will be to convince our
" SUles, Diary, III, 355.
*• The Mss. of its proceedings are preserved in the Yale Library.
•• Watson, Memoirs y pp. 371-372; J. G. Holland, History of Western
Massachusetts y I, 393-398. Elkanah Watson, A History of Agricul-
tural Societies on the Modem Berkshire System.
AGRICULTURE AND SHEEP RAISING 163
citizens that old and worn out land can be renovated and
enriched by labour and manure, so as to bear as good crops
as land just cleared of its forests; and that at as litUe
expense as the clearing would cost. . . . Our merchants
and ship owners have done their duty. They have been
in the number of our most enterprising and valuable citizens.
Much praise is due them. But their occupation, like
Othello's, is gone. Commerce is fled; manufactures lan-
guish. The one may be brought back again, the other re-
animated. Perseverance in agricultural improvements will
contribute more than anything besides toward their happy
re-establishment.**
In 1 8 17, under the guidance of General Hum-
phreys, the Connecticut Agricultural Society was
incorporated. Governor Wolcott gave it his full
support, having recommended such an organiza-
tion in his address to the Legislature. This society
published a model almanac of useful information
to further the success of its educational campaign.**
The first issue contained an inspiring article by
Humphreys on the dire necessity of encouraging
agriculture. In 18 18 the Hartford County Agri-
cultural Society was chartered with a system of
town committees to bring the work down to
the farm. Andrew Kingsbury and Henry Ells-
worth were its leading officers. As indicative of
the bitter partisan spirit of the town, this was
largely a Federalist society laboring to disseminate
agricultural information and incidentally to dem-
onstrate to the farmer the advantages of the Feder-
alist party." Shortly afterward there followed the
•oPp. 15-17.
^ Mercury ^ Oct. 14, Nov. 4, 1817; North American Review ^ II, 136.
" Couranl, Sept. 30, Oct. 14, 1817; Mercury, Sept. 23, 1817; Mar.
10, 31, 1818.
164 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Litchfield County Agricultural Society under the
presidency of the governor. The success of these
societies is best attested by the establishment of
similar organizations throughout the various states.
Agricultural fairs were inaugurated by the agri-
cultural societies, as one phase of their work.**
They were widely noticed in the newspapers and
served to stimulate interest and rivalry in farm-
ing communities. One of the first fairs in the
country was called independently by a group of
Berkshire farmers. This example was afterwards
followed by the Berkshire Agricultural Society,
which held a notable agricultural and domestic
manufactures show at Pittsfield in 1811. Another
in 1816, known as the Pittsfield Cattle Show and
Domestic Manufactiu-es, created even a wider
interest. The Brighton Cattle Show, which had
for its purpose the improvement of stock breed-
ing, was held in 1816 and annually thereafter under
the patronage of the Massachusetts Agricultural
Society. In 1818 the Hartford County Agri-
cultural Society held its first annual celebration.
There were prizes for the best cultivated farms,
for bulls, milch cows, oxen, swine, for plowing,
and for the products of domestic manufacture.
General Humphreys's farm, with its private fairs,
served as an experimental farm. Here he tried
out new methods and, if successful, they were
adopted by the neighboring farmers, and made
•» Holland, Western Massachusetts y 1, 393 flf.; North American Review,
II, 136, 434; Mercury^ Aug. 29, 1811; Oct. 20, 1818; Couranl, Oct. 21,
28, 1817.
EMwagl^
AGRICULTURE AND SHEEP RAISING 165
known to the general public through his lectures
and writings.
Everyone contributed his share, for it was gener-
ally desired to decrease emigration by the develop-
ment of agriculture and domestic manufactures.**
If, as it was charged, "the sainted pilgrims call
the men of industry and innocence, tag rag," it
was an attitude about to be modified. Governor
Trumbull's request in 1807 was heeded by the
passage of an act putting a bounty of ten dollars
a ton on hemp and flax.** Governor Wolcott was
even more anxious for agricultural interests than
his Federalist predecessors, urging the importance
of facilitating agriculture in every possible way.**
Then, too, after the war shipping fell and forced
the recognition of agriculture as the real basis of
wealth.
Newspapers printed columns of hints to farmers.
Minister Adams at St. Petersburg wrote a treatise
on the "Russian Method of Cultivating and Pre-
paring Hemp," which the Connecticut Courani
printed at length. A suggestive article on the
conservation of timber sought to impress farmers
with the advantages to be gained by husbanding
the resources of the forests. The Courant also
published a series of notes on the restoration of
worn-out soils.*^ No stone was left unturned in
•* Mercury, Jan. 21, Oct. 7, 21, 1817; Mar. 10, 1818; Courant^ Oct 7,
1817. See Ethan Andrews, Remarks on AgricuUure (1819); Newberry,
Address (1820), p. 7.
» Statutes, p. 374; Mercury, May 28, 1807.
" Courani, Oct. 14, 1817.
"Courant, Apr. 10, 1811; Apr. 22, Sept. 9, 30, 1817, etc
1« COSXECTICUT IS TRANSITJOy: 1775-1818
Cfrder to instruct the farmer that with proper care
his lands could be made quite as productive as the
distant lands which called so entidngly.
Interest in agriculture gave a zest to the con-
struction of good roads which would shorten the
distance to market. Capital was provided by the
banks, whose directors were interested in the con-
struction companies. Country roads were for the
most part bad, being built by men desirous only
of working out their poll tax. The year, 1800,
ushered in turnpike companies whose business it
was to build and maintain roads by the collection of
tolls from their patrons.*' While there were charges
of corruption and favoritism, the companies served
a useful purpose. Substantial roads were built in
all sections of the state; stages made better time
from New York via New Haven and Hartford to
Boston. New London and Middle town were
brought nearer to New Haven. Mail travelled
more speedily. Farmers marketed their products
with greater ease and less expenditure of time.
The distant districts of Litchfield and Windham
were especially improved, their lands rising in value.
>/^ With the agricultural revolution there entered
an interest in sheep-breed ing.*' Connecticut flocks
** For material on the roads, turnpike companies, and the steamboat
lines to New York after 1815, see: Barber, New Haven, pp. 47-48;
Caulkins, New London, p. 654; Orcutt, Stralford, I, 610; Weeden, Eco-
nomic llisioryf II, 693, 857; Church, Litchfield Centennial, p. 45; Lamed,
Windham County, II, 295; Bishop, American Manujactttres, II, 127;
Kendall, Travels, I, 97; Albert Gallatin, Report on Roads and Canals,
p. 55; Beach, Cheshire, p. 256; Blake, Hamden, p. 94; Woodward,
Hartford Bank, pp. 95-98; Giddings, New Milford, p. 110.
** Importation of blooded cattle came later. Courant, June 2, 1818.
AGRICULTURE AND SHEEP RAISING 167
were as they had been a century earlier, with no
attempt at improvements such as English drovers
had long been making.^® As all weaving had been
done at the hearth, only coarse cloths were woven,
all - of the finer fabrics being imported. Hence
there was little demand for wool, which the farmer
regarded as only an incidental by-product of the
farm.
Spanish merino sheep were practically unknown
in America until 1802. Few were exported save
by royal favor, so determined were the Spanish
authorities to maintain their monopoly of the fine
wool market. The few sheep which had been
presented to foreign favorites had so improved
foreign stock that France, Saxony, and Hesse
Cassel were becoming dangerous competitors.
Hence, Spanish precautions against smuggling be-
came more painstaking. The American minister
at Paris, Robert Livingston, becoming interested
in the improvement of native sheep, sent to his
estates at Clermont, New York, a few Spanish
merinos from a French flock. In this same year
General Humphreys shipped to his Derby farm a
flock of seventy- five ewes and twenty- five rams.^^
A friend of Washington and Jefferson, he had served
as minister to Portugal from 1791 until 1797, when
he was transferred to Madrid. While at the latter
capital, he became a social figure among the Spanish
^* Watson, Memoirs t p. 364; Wright, WooUGrowingy pp. 11-12.
"^ Sheep Industry, pp. 133, 154 flf.; Sharpe, Seymour, p. 49; Wright,
Wool-Gfowing, p. 14. See Humphreys, Discourse on Agriculture (1816),
and Livingston's classic Essay on Sheep (1810).
I
168 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
grandees, from whom he acquired a deep knowledge
and interest in Spanish sheep. Retiring at the
end of the Adams administration, American custom
would not allow him to accept the usual Spanish
gift to a departing minister. At his suggestion he
was tacitly permitted to send this flock of pure-
blooded merinos to his Connecticut estate. This
flock became the source of most of the early blooded
sheep in the country; Humphreys one of two or
three authorities on sheep culture; and his Con-
necticut farm the center of the wool growers'
interest as well as the seat of a model woolen
factory. Humphreys was early awarded a gold
medal for this importation by the Massachusetts
Society for Promoting Agriculture, and somewhat
later Connecticut gave him a testimonial in recog-
nition of his public service.
From 1802 to about 1807 the merinos were re-
garded by the American farmer as a curiosity.
In Connecticut the farmers could not be interested,
do what Humphreys would. His influence caused
the Legislature to protect the purity of the breed
and encourage its extension.^' Yet little could be
done until the demand compelled wool-growing.
With America shut off from foreign supply,
there was created a demand for domestic wool.
As Spanish wool could no longer be bought by
England, the market price of wool rose. A sense
of nationality was gradually awakening in men, and
with it a patriotic impulse to support American
industry and to wear home-spun. The farmer was
"^Shup Industry, p. 163; Statutes, pp. 597-598.
AGRICULTURE AND SHEEP RAISING 169
encouraged to grow wool, and the capitalist to
weave cloth. Agricultural societies took up the
propaganda. Interest in sheep grew during the
years 1807 to 18 12, until it seized the people in a
sort of contagious mania. ^' Carding machines for
this fine wool were soon to be found in every
hamlet. Congress did its share by increasing the
ad valorem duties on raw wool from 5 per cent in
1789 to 35 per cent in 18 12. Patriotism combined
with protection put sheep raising on a commercial
basis.
The demand for pure bloods could not be satisfied.
As no more sheep could be imported, there was a
jump in prices which enriched dealers and growers.
In 1806 Humphreys was glad to get $300 for a
ram and two ewes; in 1808 he sold a ram for $1,000.
In 1 8 10 he sold four rams and ewes at $1,500 apiece
to a stock farmer in Kentucky, though full-blooded
rams were usually rated at $1,000. Livingston
at a shearing at his Clermont farm in 18 10 sold
full-blooded lambs at that figure. He refused $500
for fifteen-sixteenth bloods. He would not take
less than $250 for seven-eighths. In 1806, $100
and $40 and $50 were the figures quoted.^* In
1809 Rev. Thomas Robbins commented on his
brother's offer of $300 for a yearling lamb: "The
demand for these sheep is astonishing."^*
" Couranty May 9, 1810; Mercury, Oct. 24, 1811; Wright, Wool-
Growingy pp. 21 flf.; Watson, Memoirs, p. 364; Lamed, Windham County,
II, 399; Sheep Industry, pp. 161 ff.
w Sheep Industry, pp. 139, 143, 166 flf.; Wright, Wool-Growing, p. 23;
H. S. Randall, Fin^ Wool Sheep Husbandry, p. 45; Sharpe, Seymour,
p. 59; Courant, July 11, 1810.
» Diary, I, 414.
-at*-i--— ^ -i.-a- ow ^ . ■■■>■
170 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
One IS not so surprised at these fabulous prices,
when the price of common wool at thirty-seven
and a half cents is compared with that of the
merino at seventy-five cents to two dollars a pound.
There was another advantage, for it was found
that crossing merino with common sheep would
double the shearing of wool. These facts became
widely known through the educative efforts of
agricultural societies and fairs, such as the Phila-
delphia Cattle Show, at which Humphreys was a
competitor. Then there were articles on merino
culture and descriptions of the shearings on the
estates of Humphreys, Livingston, and other grow-
ers.^* Hence the great demand and the high
prices are not difficult to understand.
Connecticut was a center of the mania. Merino
advertisements were in every newspaper. Auc-
tions were announced and larger rewards were
offered for the return of lost sheep than for run-
away negroes. Some felt that in wool New
England had at last found her staple, that in
Connecticut wool would play the part cotton did
in the South. At a Clermont shearing this idea
was expressed in the toast: "Merino wool as
^common in the North as cotton in the South.**^'
This was not incomprehensible when there were
'^ estimated to be 400,000 sheep in the state in 1813.^ •
" Couranl, May 31, July 11, 1810; Mercury, June 28, 1810; Bishop,
American ManufactureSy II, 135; Sheep Industry, p. 166.
" Mercury, June 28, 1810.
^' Cauranl, May 25, 1813; North American Review, 1, 169; Coxe,
Tables, pp. 22, 31; Mercury, July 4, 1811.
-■•iifci
AGRICULTURE AND SHEEP RAISING 171
In 1810-1811, while Spain was sacrificing all
in a crusading uprising against Napoleon, her
cabanas were broken up. Thousands of sheep were
eaten by the ravaging armies, flocks were stolen
by the French, and thousands were exported or
smuggled via Portugal into England. To obtain
a war fund, the Junta commenced to sell the choicest
stock. During that year it is estimated that
nearly 20,000 full-blooded sheep were introduced
into America. ^« Prices fell from $1,000 to $300
and finally to $100. Rams and ewes from the
famed flocks of the Carthusian friars were scat-
tered throughout New England. Spain's difficulty
became America's opportunity. While war cut
off the supply in 18 12, there were plenty of
sheep in the country for stock purposes, so the
only result of importance was in steadying the
price and increasing the woolen market. Patriot-
ism and nationalism encouraged American wool-
raising until it outgrew the infant stage.
Peace brought English competition which easily
beat down patriotism — a fact which the people
found somewhat hard to reconcile with the high
war prices. Politically it is not likely that sheep
growing had much of an effect. As Connecticut
farms were generally cultivated by their owners,
there was no class of agricultural laborers to be
displaced by sheep-enclosures, as had been the
case elsewhere. On the other hand, sheep grow-
^^Courant, Nov. 14, 1810; Mar. 27, 1811; Mercury, Sept. 27, 1810;
Wright, Wool-Growing, pp. 23 flf. For lower prices, see advertisements,
Courant, Feb. 18, Sept. 7, 1813.
Mhri^taM^i
■NbiM
ra'^Ti i^ t rf I
172
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
ing introduced woolen factories and thus assisted
in creating a city laboring class which was destined
to become a political factor.
NOTES
I. The Ohio Frontier
That men knew Ohio is not to be doubted. Yet one is surprised
at the perspicacity of a Vermont boy quoted as having written home
in 1817: ''As to the people, the first settlers were a mixed multitude
from all the other American States and of the most of the European
Kingdoms, composed of adventurers, knaves, fools, unfortunates, and
some honest and enterprising men. There are many who have always
lived on the frontiers, and form a connecting link between savage and
civilized life. The offspring of all have had their education from chance.
Sojourners from every nation and climate under heaven, with all their
jarring ideas of civil policy which their different forms of government
could suggest, have been their teachers. People of wealth and cultiva-
tion are flocking in from every quarter." Courant, January 14, 1817.
n. Table Showing Rising Prices
Rev. Heman Humphrey, in the appendix of one of his sermons
printed in 1816, undertook to prove to the prosperous farmers that
1811-1816
Wheat
Rye
Com
Pork
Beef
Butter
Sugar, loaf
Sugar, best brown
Molasses, gal
Salt, bushel
Hay
Wood, cord
Labor, day
1774
1798
$ .71
t 1.42
.46
.67
.35
.50
3.36
6.00
3.00
4.17
.11
.17
.17
.33
9.00
16.00
.33
.75
.42
1.00
6.67
10.00
1.50
3.00
.42
.67
t 2.00 to
1.00 to
.83 to
8.00 to
5.00 to
.17 to
.17 to
13.00 to
.67 to
1.00 to
10.00 to
5.00 to
.75 to
2.50
1.25
1.00
10.00
7.00
.25
.50
22.00
1.00
1.17
20.00
6.00
1.00
'■^t l^li-J
AGRICULTURE AND SHEEP RAISING
173
high prices had increased the minister's cost of living and lowered his
net salary. His figures bear the earmarks of accuracy, part of them
being collected by a committee of his society. They show the vast in-
crease in the value of farm products, which resulted in the encourage-
ment of agriculture. Other accounts notice the great fall in value of
agricultural products about 1816, probably a little later than the date
of his information, some going so far as to say that the products of the
farm were hardly worth the garnering. Dwight, Connecticut^ p. 440;
Mercury, Oct. 22, 1816; see also New Haven Hist. Soc., Papers, HI,
201-202.
.- •."- r ^_
* .cu -* ■
CHAPTER V
The Working Government
^T^HE government of Connecticut prior to 1776
-■■ was based upon the royal Charter of 1662.
This Charter in substance was similar to the eleven
Fundamental Orders of 1639, which had been
drafted by the representatives of the river towns
as their rule of government. This similarity has
enabled certain writers to maintain that the Char-
ter was royal only in form, but otherwise a re-
statement of republican principles. Furthermore,
it has been said that the Charter was in force by
virtue not of the prerogative, but of its acceptance
by the General Assembly. However this may be,
the Charter was regarded as the bulwark of the
commonwealth's liberties, if the Charter-Oak
episode had real significance. Yet the simple
governmental machinery provided in that instru-
ment was never regarded as fundamental, but sub-
ject to modification by the General Assembly.
Distance and lack of interest in the colony on the
part of the home government made the bond of
union between the two so loose that, aside from an
extremely rare case of a disallowance, the colony
was left to follow its own course. The common-
wealth was virtually a self-governing dependency,
with the dependence overlooked by the republican
subjects, and the independence unrealized by the
inefficient and corrupt colonial administration.
174
^mmA
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 175
The change wrought by the Declaration of Inde-
pendence and severance of nominal allegiance was
almost unnoticed. Statehood with full indepen-
dence and sovereignty was entered into so natu-
rally that there was no commotion or the slightest
impediment in the civil administration. As has
often been pointed out, a change in the govern-
ment was unnecessary, for Connecticut had always
been republican in form. As a result of the Revo-
lution and the appeal of the revolutionary Congress,
the General Assembly formally approved the
Declaration of Independence, declaring that ''this
Colony is and of a right ought to be a free and
independent State, and the inhabitants thereof
are absolved from all allegiance to the British
Crown." The resolution continued:
And be it enacted by the Governor^ Council and Representa-
tives^ in General Court assembled^ and by the authority of the
same. That the form of civil government in this State
shall continue to be as established by Charter received
from Charles the second, King of England, so far as an
adherence to the same will be consistent with an absolute
independence of this State on the Crown of Great Britain;
and that all officers, civil and military, heretofore ap-
pointed by this State continue in the execution of their
several offices, and the laws of this State shall continue in
force untill otherwise ordered: And that for the future all
writs and processes in law or equity shall issue in the name
of the Governor and Company of the State of Connecticut;
and that in all summonses, attachments, and other processes
before any assistant or justice of the peace, the words One
of his Majesty^ s justices of peace be omitted, and that in-
stead thereof be inserted justice of the peace; and that no
writ or process shall have or bear any date save the year of
our Lord Christ only; any law usage or custom to the con-
trary notwithstanding.
176 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Oaths of loyalty to the state were substituted for
those of allegiance and supremacy. Otherwise there
was no break with the past; the same policies con-
trolled, the same class ruled.*
All the states save Rhode Island drafted con-
stitutions, often in conventions selected for that
purpose, and submitted them for ratification to
the people or their representatives. Connecti-
cut's unusual procediu'e attracted little attention
and aroused no opposition. This was probably
due to general recognition of the step as a mere
formality, which did not essentially change the
working government, based as it was on precedent
and legislative enactments rather than on the
Charter.
Interest in the proceedings remained purely
academic until later, when they were made a party
issue. Men of all shades of opinion were free to
question whether or not there was a constitution
in the approved sense of the word. Dr. Benjamin
Gale, in an able pamphlet published in 1782, argued
that the state in making war had abrogated the
Charter and that the General Assembly's unau-
thorized declaration re-establishing the Charter-
government was expedient, but extra-legal, and
regarded by thinking men as only temporary.
He believed that the time had come when a civil
government should be established by a convention,
holding that:
* Conn. Stale Records ^ I, 3-4; Revised Statutes y p. 1. See Stiles,
JWory, II, 285; Morse, Geography^ p. 165; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer,
p. 75; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 40-43; KendaU, Travels, 1, ch. 7.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 177
It ought to be a work of time, and composed of men well
versed in government, well acquainted with the laws of
nature and nations, men who well understand, not only the
civil, but the natural^ the religious, the unalienable rights
of men and of Christians .... Our charter carefully
examined .... everything retained, the advantage of
which we have experienced — Everything expurged we have
found on experience disadvantageous; the several constitu-
tions of our sister states carefully inspected, and every-
thing worthy of our imitation selected.
The constitutional question was first officially
considered in the Assembly in the fall and spring
sessions of 1786-1787.^ A bill restricting the repre-
sentation to one member from every town had been
introduced. Thereupon Representative Hopkins
of Waterbury questioned their authority: "It is a
constitutional question. The people are the foun-
tain of power, and must agree if the mode is altered.
The Assembly cannot do it. It is a native right
of the people." Against this James Davenport of
Stamford argued that there was no constitution,
only the laws of the state, for as the Revolution
abrogated the Charter, its subsequent sanction by
the General Assembly had only the force of an
ordinary statute. Colonel Wadsworth agreed: "I
am in favor of the Bill . . . The same body
who made the Constitution can alter it at pleasure."
Wadsworth was historically correct, for in the
Revised Statutes of 1784 a statutory Declaration
of Rights reaffirmed the act of 1776.
Dr. Gale in 1787 wrote confidentially to General *<
Erastus Wolcott, a member of Congress, that the
* Connecticut MagoMine, quoted in Mercury, Aug. 15, 1805.
178 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
state had no constitution; for, as "you know
• • . . a civil constitution is a charter, a biU of
rights, or a compact made between the rulers and the
ruled." This, he said, was not true in the case of
the Charter, which had never been submitted to
the freemen.* In 1791 a pamphlet by "a citizen
of New Haven" demanded that a convention be
summoned to draw up a constitution which would
be above criticism.*
A writer in the Middlesex Gazette pointed out in
1792 the absurdity of a government establishing
its own constitution, and asked that steps be taken
to establish a constitution or to improve the Char-
ter. He exclaimed:
Why has Connecticut discovered less political wisdom
than her sister states? Why has its government been left
the sport of chance, or to the partial corrections of the legis-
lature; and to remain, until this time, in a state so loose, in
a form so shapeless and distorted? Why have ten years
of peace, so favorable to political improvement, been suf-
fered to pass away, without any amelioration of the system
of government? Can the people be forever lulled into
this calm indifference, this listless security, by the emp-
ty and groundless declaration, that they have derived
from their ancestors a free and excellent Constitution of
Government.'
The Litchfield Monitor in 1793 printed an address
attacking the royal principles and language of the
Charter and the unwarranted assumption of the
Legislature in saddling it on the people. It criti-
cized the insecurity of a government semi-annually
• J. Hammond Trumbull, Historical Notes, pp. 16-17.
</WJ., pp. 17-18.
• Quoted in Mercury , Apr. 4, 1805.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 179
subject to change at the hands of men as absolute '
as any "Grand Signior":
You profess republican principles, but tacitly submit
to the ordinances of despotism. You hold to the rights of
men, but have not estabUshed the enjoyment of them.
You hold that the people are the origin of power, but have
never attempted to exercise that power .... You
have now enjoyed a number of years oi profoimd peace;
but never set yourselves to form a Constitution. A time
more favorable can never be expected; a business of greater
utiUty can never be attempted. Such is your present
Constitution, that some affirm it is no Constitution at all;
but a public Ordinance or an Edict; while others afiPect
to consider it as a very good Constitution. But look about
you my countrymen; take it up and view it in all its parts
and properties, and see if it breathes the genuine spirit of
repubUcanism. You will doubtless find it a conglomerated
mass of heterogeneous principles .... A repub-
lican Constitution is a voluntary compact of the people
estabUshing certain fundamental principles by which they
will be governed.*
Only a few, however, doubted the legality of the
constitution. Judge Swift in 1795 set forth the
orthodox view that in 1776 the people might have
called a convention, but did not deem it necessary,
for, back of the Charter, their government was
grounded on the will of the people. Since 1776
the tacit consent of the people in obeying the laws
and following the old forms of civil procedure had
amounted to sanctioning the act of the General
Assembly, even though the legality of its power
might be disputed. Swift wrote:
The constitution of this state is a representative republic.
Some visionary theorists have pretended that we have no
• May 23, quoted in Mercury, Oct. 24, 1805.
IT I f I ii - Ml all ) _
180 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
constitution, because it has not been reduced to writing,
and ratified by the people. It is, therefore, necessary to
trace the constitution of our government to its origin, for
the purpose of showing its existence, that it has been ac-
cepted and approved of by the people, and is well known
and precisely bounded.'
The constitutionality of the government was
generally regarded by Swift as proven. When
party strife became bitter, to argue that there was
no constitution in the modem sense branded one
a Jacobin.
Such were the current constitutional theories.
It is now necessary to consider the working govern-
ment of the state, which was far removed from the
written Charter-constitution.
The chief executive was the governor, with the
title of ''His Excellency."' The position was one of
great respectability and honor, having wide in-
fluence, but little actual power. The governor
was elected annually by the freemen of the state
voting secretly in town meeting. The votes were
forwarded to the secretary of state and counted
on the general election day by a committee of the
General Assembly. If a candidate received a
majority he was declared elected, otherwise the
General Assembly named the governor. While
the term of office was nominally a year, in practice it
^ System of the Laws, I, 55, 56 £F.
• For a discussion of the governorship, see: Conn, Stale Records ^
I, 52, 229. II, 86; StatuUs, pp. 201, 257, 258, 296, 423, 504; Swift,
System of the Laws, I, 60, 63, 65, 85-87; Kendall, Travels, I, 20; D wight.
Travels, I, 228, 237, 248, 257; Nelson P. Mead, Connecticut as a Cor-
porate Colony, pp. 21-24; New Haven Hist. Soc, Papers, III, 65.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 181
was for life or during good behavior, for throughout
the whole history of the state from John Winthrop to
Oliver Wolcott, there had been but seventeen occu-
pants of the office, and during the eighteenth century
only three governors had failed of re-election. • While
there was no religious test, the steady habit of the
state had been to elect no ungodly man or dissenter,
but a representative of one of the old families and
occasionally the son of a former governor.
During the colonial period Connecticut had a
wholesome fear of too powerful an executive.
The lesson of an Andros had been well taught and
the difficulties of sister colonies with royal gover-
nors had not passed unnoticed. Hence in 1776
the executive was allowed to remain weak in com-
parison with the legislature.
The Connecticut governor was not, as in many
states, a separate branch of the government. He
had no veto power, being but an ex officio pre-
siding member of the Upper Chamber or Council.
Aside from calling extra sessions on fourteen days'
notice, he had no power to adjourn or prorogue the
General Assembly. The governor assisted in the
formalities of Election Day, opening the Assembly
with an address, which advised certain policies and
gave an account of the state's progress since the
last meeting. Thanksgiving Day and the annual
fast, being determined upon by the Assembly, were
formally announced by the governor. As com-
mander-in-chief of the state militia, he appointed
•Wolcott for misrepresentation; Fitch because of the Stamp Act;
Griswold because of advanced age. Dana, Two Discourses, pp. 43-44.
182 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
an adjutant-general and a couple of aides, signed
the commissions of officers approved by the General
Assembly, and possessed ill-defined powers of dis-
missal. He signed the commissions of justices of
the peace, and was himself an honorary ex officio
justice throughout the state. From 1793 to 1808
the governor sat twice a year as president of the
court of errors. He had no pardoning power
save the right to reprieve a criminal until the
\/ next General Court or Assembly. His patronage
amounted to nothing but the right to name ad
interim turnpike commissioners and the petty
notary publics. Hence it would be impossible for
an ambitious man to build up a personal following
through his appointive power, as could be done in
some states.
In brief, the governor's powers were restricted to
the lowest working minimum, just enough to per-
mit the smooth administration of business and to
allow him to serve as the communicating medium
between the state, the central government and the
other states. It was pointed out that the executive
need not be powerful, for Connecticut was a mem-
ber of a federation of states, with many delegated
powers in the hands of the federal government.
There would then be less danger of a conflict with
the central government.
The chief criticism was that certain towns
monopolized the office: for instance, Hartford had
furnished seven out of a total of twenty-three
governors. This localization was due to the ad-
vantage which influential men, who were apt to
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 183
be from the chief towns, had under the system of
election. The dissenter was grieved that none of
his class could achieve the distinction. The Re-
publican disliked the undemocratic idea of repeated
re-elections, but the most penurious could not
object to the salary of $i,ooo, which was con-
sidered small enough to guard against the cupidity
of an office-seeker.^®
Some executive power was lodged in the hands
of governor and Council, but here the governor's
identity was completely submerged in the Council."
Together, they appointed a sherifiF for everyone of
the eight counties, and a quartermaster-general
of the militia. They could lay temporary embargoes
on the export of goods, enforce sanitary rules in
case of contagious diseases, and grant briefs for
charitable collections.
The lieutenant governor," addressed as "His
Honor" and having a salary of $600, was an ex-
officio member of the Council and a justice of the
peace throughout the state. In the absence of the
governor he acted in his place. From 1741 to
1785 the lieutenant governor had the added honor
of being chief judge of the superior court. From
the time of Governor Joseph Talcott (1741) to
""Connecticut's governmental expenses are brought within the
narrowest point of parsimony, salaries are provident to a proverb."
Mercury^ Aug. 5, 1802.
^Statutes, p. 201, index; Kendall, Travels, I, 22; Dwight, Travels,
I, 248; Mead, Corporate Colony^ pp. 24-27.
^Conn, State Records, I, 52. 11, 86; StaluUs, pp. 201, 296, 493,
504; Dwight, Travels, I, 229, 237; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 63, 83;
Johnston, ConnecUcul, pp. 80-81.
K
184 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
1818, he succeeded the governor, so faithfully did
the electorate reward their officials.
The state treasurer^' was also annually elected,
although in practice his tenure was for life. The
treasurer was under a $5,000 bond to preserve
scrupulously the state's revenues in the way of
taxes, duties on writs, fines, and forfeitures, and to
present his accounts on demand for auditing.
An auxiliary officer, called a comptroller, was
created by the General Assembly in 1788 to super-
intend the finances.^* Apparently this was an
attempt on the part of the Legislature to obtain
more direct control over the budget, for the
annually appointed comptroller was merely an
agent of the General Assembly.
The secretary of state^* completes the list of
central executive officers. Here was another an-
nually elected official whose administration was
longer than the average reign of a sovereign. In-
deed the tenure smacked strongly of heredity.
Hezeldah Wyllys was succeeded by his son and
grandson, the three covering a period of years from
1712 to 181 o. Thomas Day, succeeding, served
from 1 8 10 to 1835. To consider such an office as
elective is difficult. It is not surprising that its
occupants regarded the secretaryship as a personal
^' SUUuteSj index; Conn. Stale Records, II, 86; Swift, System of the
Laws, I, 60, 89. Joseph Whiting and son served 1679-1749, Andrew
Kingsbury, 1794^1818, and Isaac Spencer, 1818-1835.
^* Statutes, pp. 188-190; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 90; Loomis
and Calhoun, Judicial History, pp. 121-123.
" Statutes, pp. 30, 589; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 88; Loomis and
Calhoun, Judicial History, pp. 199 £F.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 185
possession. The secretary acted as clerk of the
Council, custodian of the state records and papers,
keeper of the seals, and supervised the printing of
the laws. The position was one of honor with a
considerable degree of influence.
The appointment of sheriffs was the chief admin-
istrative function of the governor and Council.
To the Council alone was the sheriff responsible.
As the connecting link between the central and
local government, he was a power in the locality.
He was invariably a stanch adherent of the rul-
ing order. His duties were defined by statute
rather than by English precedents, and did not in-
clude the judicial work of his English counterpart.
Bonded at $i,ooo, he had custody of jails and
prisoners, and was empowered to appoint deputy
sheriffs, summon a posse comitatus, call out the
militia on request of members of the Council, and
exercise the duties of a water-bailiff. ^*
The General Assembly was composed of an
upper and a lower chamber, a Council and the
Assembly.^ ^ With a weak executive and a depen-
dent judiciary, the legislative branch became
supreme. Its powers were not limited by a written
constitution, nor in any way except by statutes,
which it might revise or repeal at will. The Revolu-
tion had freed the General Assembly of the royal dis-
*• Statutes J index; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 60, 90-93; D wight,
Travels, I, 248; Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History, p. 167.
^^ The division, which had existed since 1698, was regarded as con-
trary to the Charter and was not placed on the statutes until 1776.
Baldwin in Amer. EKst Assoc, Report (1890), p. 91.
186 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
allowance, its sole check, so that it closely approxi-
mated the British Parliament, save that the latter
body had to be guided by an ill-defined royal pre-
rogative and century-long creations of precedent
and custom. The federal constitution limited the
state sovereignty, but not that of the Legislature
in state affairs.
The General Assembly^' made and repealed all
laws. It defined the powers of the executive or
judiciary. It determined by statute the method
of election and the suffrage qualifications. Legis-
lative statutes defined the relation of church and
state, and the status of dissenter. Toleration
was its gift, not a human right. Liberty of the
press and of speech were subject to its laws.
Statutes which might revolutionize the state could
be enacted in the same way as a private act
of no importance. There was no appeal to the
people and no responsibility to the electors, save
in the desire of the representative to be re-elected.
Money bills originated in either House; taxes and
duties were levied; public lands disposed of; new
towns incorporated; and banking, manufacturing
and turnpike companies chartered. The General
Assembly occasionally named the governor and
lieutenant governor, a power which gave undue
influence over the executive.^ • A joint committee
counted the votes of state officers, save represen-
"For its powers, see: Statutes ^ index; Swift, System of the Laws,
I, 71-76, 80, 86; KendaU, Travels, I, 25; D wight, Travels, I, 237 £F.
"Stiles, Diary, III, 21, 218; Ford, Webster, I, 76; CouratU, May
14, 1798.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 187
tatives. The General Assembly, of course, selected
the United States Senators. It exerted a control-
ling influence over nominations by means of its
caucuses, and in case of a vacancy appointed a coun-
cilor. Any court, magistrate, or officer might be
called to account by the Legislature for a misdemea-
nor or for maladministration. It granted pardons
and reprieves in capital or criminal cases, bills of di-
vorce, passed special bankruptcy acts, and con-
sidered equity cases over $5,334. In a judicial
capacity it acted as the superior court of last resort.
In this way justice might be defeated and sover-
eignty substituted for law. It had complete con-
trol of the militia. Its patronage was dangerously
extensive, including military officers who had been
nominated by the militia and all judicial officers.
Legislative powers were in short limited only by
the honesty of members, by certain vague customs,
and the frequency of elections. Students of govern-
ment feared this outrageous combination of execu-
tive, legislative, and judicial powers, as only
disciples of Montesquieu could fear. This con-
centration of power in the General Assembly was
bitterly criticized and was a prime argument for a
written constitution.
Dwight recognized the inclusiveness of these
powers when he wrote: ''The power of the legisla-
ture is considered unlimited, except with respect
to the rights of election, and the substance of the
form of government. "20 He felt, however, that
the altering of the Charter would be regarded as a
^ Travels, I, 236.
or I • ii'nif !■. mjt^
188 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
violation of something sacred and as a hazardous
move. He believed that a civil law contrary to
the law of God would be null and void. Judge
Swift, the deepest student of Connecticut polity,
defined the position of the Legislature:
By nature of the constitution, they possess the power of
doing and directing whatever they shall think to be for the
good of the community. It is difficult to define or limit its
extent. It can be bounded only by the wants, the necessi-
ties, and the welfare of society.*^
Kendall agreed with the local commentators
on the powers of the General Assembly, which he
described as a body —
from which, indeed, all other authority proceeds, and by
which, at any moment, it may be reclaimed. Nothing
exists but at its pleasure. It makes laws, and it repeab
them; and in the laws is the sole foundation of the political
fabric; the constitution of government is to be found only
in the statutes. In a word, the General Assembly is truly
the single depository of power; of power at once governmen-
tal, legislative, and judiciary; at once civil, military, and
ecclesiastical"
Kendall struck the mark. This inclusive power
which so impressed him, caused men to demand
its curtailment.
The Assembly represented the towns, every town
having one or two representatives. They were
elected semi-annually in the April and September
freemen's meetings, by a majority of the qualified
electors. The frequency of election caused no
inconvenience because of the small areas of the
^ System of the Laws, I, 59, 73.
» Travels, I, 23.
U.JM
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 189
constituencies, but made changes in the representa-
tion easy and lessened intrigue. Terms of service
were exceedingly long because of "the disposition
to re-elect men of merit." In many cases a family
represented its town for two or three decades."
Despite the "almost absolutely democratic"
scheme of election, Republicans were to learn that
to displace the old representatives of a town re-
quired considerable exertion. Yet this could be
done. It was by revolutionizing the Assembly and
electing a Republican here and there, that the state
was ultimately revolutionized. Had there been a
universal secret ballot, thus removing the influence
of family, office-holders, and ministers, the state
would have experienced more changes in its repre-
sentation, and the Republicans less difficulty in
gaining control.
The Assembly** was composed of two hundred
members, with a legal quorum of forty. Any free-
man was eligible to serve as a representative, unless
he was a federal office-holder, or a judge of the
superior court. As the statutes stood, the most
infamous freeman was not excluded from a seat,
nor could a duly elected representative be expelled,
unless for treason or felony. The Assembly elected
ts own speaker who had a casting vote, and the
clerks who kept the official journal. The Chamber
adjudged the qualifications and credentials of its
members; administered their oaths; and deter-
** Johnston, Connecticut , pp. 81-82; Bouton, Norwalky pp. 55-56;
Kilboume, Sketches, pp. 375 ff.
"Best accounts are: D wight, Travels, I, 236-238; Swift, System of
the Laws, I, 64HS5, 70, 85.
190 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 177S-1818
mined its own procedure. Its members were
guaranteed the usual privileges of freedom of
speech and freedom from arrest.
In connection with the May session Connecti-
cut had her one "great festival" — General Election
Day,* when the votes were formally counted. At
sunset of the previous day the governor was re-
ceived by the blue, uniformed horse-guards and
escorted to his lodgings. About 9 a.m. the Assem-
ably met and organized. Toward 11 a.m. an
escort of the foot and horse-guards followed by
the sheriffs, led the executive officers, councilors,
representatives, a large body of ministers and
citizens to the First Church. The religious services
were conducted by four ministers, one minister
giving the opening prayer, another the sermon, a
third the concluding prayer, and the fourth the
benediction. The sermon touched on matters of
government, setting forth the glories of the state,
lauding its steady habits, and praising its God-
fearing officials. The Hartford CouratU com-
mented on the sermon in what seems to have been
a set form, "sensible, solemn, and evangelical,"
while the American Mercury was apt to describe
it as in "the usual style of obsequiousness to the
dominant party." Abraham Bishop cynically but
aptly characterized them as political sermons —
in which there is a little of governor, a little of congress,
much of politics and a very little of religion — a strange
"Kendall, Travels, I, ch. 1; Dwight, Travels, I, 233 ff.; Courani'
May 18, 1813; Asbury, Journal, HI, 197; Stiles, Diary, II, 533. m»
218; Morse, Geography, p. 165.
rftaS
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 191
compost, like a carrot pye, having so littk ingredients of
the vegetable, that the cook must christen it."
The procession then returned to the state house
where the militia presented arms to the governor.
There followed a public diimer, at which the
governor and Council sat at the first, the clergy
at the second, and the representatives at the third
table, in an order suggestive of the three estates.
The dining of the assembled clergy, often a hundred
in number, was objected to by the Republicans as
a burden to the tax payer and an indication of the
dangerous coalition of magistrate and minister.
This criticism would have failed, if dissenting
preachers had been welcomed at the festive board.
After the banquet the votes were counted, and the
oaths of office administered to governor, lieutenant
governor and councilors. The result was pro-
claimed with a military salute. In the evening
there was an election ball, and the following eve-
ning a more select, formal ball. Thousands flocked
to Hartford from the near-by towns to witness the
ceremonies. Even those unable to be present
played at ball and enjoyed themselves that day on
the town greens.
Aside from the opening formalities, the session
was marked by simplicity. Meetings were held
during both forenoon and afternoon, and there were
few absentees. While the "wages" of two dollars
a day were small, election to the Assembly was
an honor, appealing to men of considerable ability.
» Bishop, Oration (1801), pp. 45-46.
»_ — • !■ B. ■■;.■■- "
192 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
An English traveller was so impressed with the
debates that he described them as comparing
favorably with those of Parliament.'^
The Assembly was criticized as too large a body
for efficient work. As early as 1782 it was sug-
gested that the representation should be cut down
to one for every town. New York, with seventy
men in her Lower House, had lower taxes. In
1786 the desirability of a reduction in number was
considered in the Assembly. Those in its favor were
advised that this measure would be unconsdtudonal
unless approved by the people. Some ridiculed the
need of two sessions to carry on the small amount
of business, which could be easily handled in a
single session, with a saving to the tax payer.'*
The Council consisted of the ex officio governor
and lieutenant governor and twelve elected assis-
tants, representing the state at large. The governor,
or in his absence the lieutenant governor or senior
assistant presided, but voted only in case of a tie.
The presiding officer and six assistants made a
*'Waiisey observed: "There are some good orators among them:
Mr. Granger, member from Suffield; Mr. Stanley; Mr. Phelps; Gen.
Hart, member from Saybrook, made as good speeches as any I have
heard in our own House of Commons." Journal^ p. 58. Kendall
believed that men of superior qualifications were not lacking. Travels^
I, 171. But Tudor thought otherwise of Connecticut: "There was a
sort of habitual, pervading police, made up of Calvinistic inquisition
and village scrutiny, that required a very deleterious subserviency
from all candidates for public life. A very conceited intolerance held
opinion in subjection." Letters, p. 47.
"Gale, Brief Remarks (1782), pp. 28, 34-36; Stiles, Diary, IH,
124; Constitution of Conn. (1901), State Series, p. 105; Republican WaUh
Tower article in Mercury, Jan. 29, 1801.
■t-AI
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 193
quorum. Sessions were secret. No minutes were
kept. A seat in the Council was one of honor and
power. An assistant was an ex officio justice of
the peace and could serve in the place of a judge
of the superior court. With two of his fellows he
could reprieve a criminal until the next session;
on urgent need he could call out the militia; and
could preside at freemen's meetings. As all bills
had to pass both Houses, seven members of the
Council could veto a measure. Then, because of
their social and economic position, long terms and
experience, the assistants were a powerful group.
In practice, this small body governed the state, for
without its concurrence nothing could be done,
no law passed, or official appointed.'*
The assistants were nominated and elected by
the people.*® Up to about 1697 this function had
fallen to the General Assembly, but a revolt made
the introduction of democratic forms necessary.
The scheme of electing the Council was shrewdly
arranged to satisfy the democratic demands, yet
to leave it under control of the aristocratic govern-
ing class. In the September town meeting, every
freeman wrote the names of twenty men, whom
he nominated for assistant. These papers were
*• Swift, SysUm of the Laws, I, 63, 84, 88; Kendall, Travels, I, 22-23;
Dwight, Trends, I, 236-238. The Assembly was said to be as obse-
quious to the Council as the members of Parliament whom Queen
Elizabeth cuflfed. Mercury, Mar. 17, 1803; Aug. 27, 1816.
*o Statutes (1750), p. 46; ibid. (1796), p. 152; ibid. (1808), p. 244;
Dwight, Travels, I, 223-228; William Beers, Address (1791); Baldwin
in Amer. Hist. Assoc., Report (1890), pp. 87, 92; Mead, Corporate
Colony, p. 12.
^tftkmt^iLm
K>4 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
then collected by the constable, justice, or assist-
ant in charge, and sent by the town clerk to
the General Assembly, whose committee counted
them and listed the highest twenty as nominees.
About 1 80 1 the revised election law called for oral
nominations and an open standing vote by the
freemen. This permitted the control of the meet-
ing by the upper class, for only a freeman of bold
independence could nominate his honest choice.
The list of twenty nominees was then submitted
to the freemen in April, but so arranged that the
present assistants or ex-assistants stood first on the
list regardless of the number of votes which they
had polled the previous fall. The freemen were
given twelve slips of paper. The list was read off,
and the vote taken. In order to vote for one of the
last eight, the freeman would have to preserve one
of his twelve papers. To do this was virtually to
proclaim oneself in open revolt. The only recourse
by way of protest was the casting of a blank ballot.
This meant a dearly purchased secrecy, for the
twelve slips would be used up before the moderator
commenced to read the names of the new candi-
dates. However, the casting of blank votes became
general and could not be prevented by an act
passed for that purpose. To be sure, a freeman
of strong character, economically and socially inde-
pendent, could vote as he pleased. Few, however,
could vote for an "atheistical" Republican with the
minister present, under the eyes of local officers,
and men of wealth, whose good will might be vitally
necessary. The vote became mechanical, most
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 195
freemen voting for the first twelve nominees or re-
tiring through lack of interest in recognition of the
futility of their opposition. Dwight rejoiced that
the assistants were balloted on late in the day, when
party zeal had been spent in the contest over the
representatives and the poll was left in control
of the townsmen of wisdom and wealth, "the
ignorant, idle, and light minded citizens" having
retired. The votes from the various towns were
again forwarded to the General Assembly, counted
on Election Day by the joint committee, and the
names of the assistants were formally proclaimed.
This elaborate plan guaranteed the stability of
the government. Their long tenure which became
so characteristic is clearly shown in a final appendix
[infra, p. 420]. Generally a councilor held office
until he resigned, was promoted to the governorship,
or sent to Congress. From 1783 to 1801 it was
said that there was only one assistant who failed
at the polls for re-election.**
The Council represented the aristocracy of the
state, the leaders in the ruling caste. Its members
were men of family, of wealth, of talents, of educa-
tion, and of wide political experience. Dema-
gogues might break into the Lower House, but the
Council was secured against their intrusion.*' An
obvious evil was the control which the large towns
possessed, thus prejudicing the Council's repre-
sentative character." The high average of ability
» Theodore Dwight, Oration (1801).
» Dwight, Travels, I, 226; Gale, BrieJ Remarks (1782), pp. 31, 34-36.
"From 1639 to 1818 there were only 185 councilors, giving an
196 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
in the Council was an advantage to the state as
well as a check upon the popular House. The
conservative element gloried in the Council as the
bulwark of the church, the state, and of law and
order. To the method of election all was due.
Believing this, the Standing Order took pains to
provide for the election of Congressmen in the same
way, a fact which affords better evidence than their
eulogies of the regard in which they held the nomi-
nation system.
This method of election was later attacked by
the Republicans as an imfair means of thwarting
the popular will. They argued that the candi-
dates, who received the highest vote on the nomi-
nation, should head the list. This would give new
men the very advantage which the system had
always given to candidates for re-election. Judge
Swift saw no logic in such reasoning nor any un-
fairness in letting this mechanical advantage oper-
ate in favor of the permanency in office of tried
men. It was this very advantage, however, which
made the Council the last stronghold of Federalism
and Congregationalism.** Men with the highest
vote at the nomination might fall in one of the
eight last places on the list and stand no chance of
being elected. Several years might elapse before
a man reached a place at the head of the list and
average service of twelve years. Only forty-five towns had been rep-
resented, of which ten accounted for 128 assistants; that is: Hartford,
27; Windsor, 17; Fairfield, 15; New Haven, 14; New London, 11; Nor-
wich, 8; Wethersfield, 8; Litchfield, 8; etc. Kingsbury in New Haven
Hist. Soc., Papers y III, 65-66.
•* Baldwin, Amer. Hist. Assoc., Report (1890), p. 93.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 197
the goal of election. This period of expectancy
lasted from four to ten years, a measure of the
Council's distance behind public opinion. Abra-
ham Bishop pointed out in a striking arraignment
of this Federalist safety device, that, although in
1790 Jonathan Ingersoll led the poll, William
Williams, the senior assistant, falling to twentieth
place on the nomination, was placed at the head
of the ticket and elected, while Ingersoll waited
another year.** Williams, a signer of the Declara-
tion of Independence, had opposed the ratification
of the constitution; but he was a Congregationalist,
while Ingersoll was merely an Episcopalian. Such
a citation convinced the Standing Order of the effi-
ciency, not the injustice, of the system.
A later writer, lamenting the good old days,
naively described the election of assistants:
In illustration of the scrupulous regard which was had
to actual merit in the popular election of senators, we have
often heard Mr. Sherman say, that of the whole number
nominated, there was one man who at each election for
several years was almost but not quite elected; and this
exactly represented his actual merit in comparison with
his rival candidates.**
Even in the counting of votes favoritism was
shown. If a freeman threw in a blank vote against
one of the first twelve, he merely lost the vote,
without prejudicing the candidate, who might
possibly receive more blank than affirmative votes,
which alone counted.*^ Republicans asked why
» Bishop, Oration (1801), pp. 16, 76; Mercury, Mar. 24, 1803.
'^ Sketch of Sherman (1846), p. 8.
*^ J. C. Welling, ''Connecticut Federalism" in Addresses, Lectures and
Other Papers, p. 306.
I I "u ,
198 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
a double election should be necessary for assistants
and not for the governor, if it was not "an ingenious
and complicated piece of mechanism designed by
the multiplicity of its wheels and springs, of its
clogs and checks, to divert from the instrument of
government, a direct application of the popular
power."**
Kendall in his discussion of the Council has
afforded us the valuable criticism of an impartial
foreigner :
Credit is undoubtedly due to this scheme or system for
its ingenuity, and its practical eflFects in Connecticut may
be completely beneficial; but I venture to express an opinion,
that it is undistinguished by any feature of that wisdom
which is contended for, and that it is altogether unfit for
imitation. In Connecticut, its effect is to keep in power
the party which has from the first possessed it. That
party, from the accuracy of the principles upon which it
acts, or the virtues of those who espouse it, may be the
proper depository of power; but, were it not so, the effect
would be the same.'*
In more populous states he felt that it would leave
all to intrigue, calumny and violence, and in Eng-
land would enable an administration to maintain
itself forever in defiance of crown and electors.
The Council was assailed for its secrecy. Its
doors were only open to receive petitions. Divi-
sions of leaders, minutes, arguments, and votes
were never disclosed to the public. The Council
stood as a body; its proceedings were veiled in a
cabinet-like secrecy. Kendall wrote:
** Richards, Politics of Connecticut.
»• Kendall, Travels, I, 43-44.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 199
The Council is impenetrable; it is one; it has no weak
part, by which it may be entered and subdued. All its
acts are the acts of the party; the individual never appears
. . . . Nothing is shown us but unanimity, and whence
that xmanimity arises we have no means of discovery.*®
Assistants were thereby freed from individual criti-
cism and responsibility, under which they might
have labored hard on election day.
The Council was taxed with an influence which
prevented the independence or impartiality of
the judiciary. Its appointing power enabled the
Council to control every judge and justice of the
peace, for without its concurrence the Assembly
was powerless. As the major part of the assistants
were lawyers of extensive practice, they sometimes
acted as advocates before judges whose tenure
depended upon them. This only made them more
successful practitioners and increased their clientele.
Up to 1807 the Council acted as the supreme
court of errors, reviewing cases in which as indi-
viduals they might have been professionally in-
terested. This obvious unfairness was finally reme- ■-/
died by the creation of a special court of errors.**
Up to 1804 assistants were not forbidden to plead
before the Legislature in its highest appeal capacity,
nor before their fellow-members of the court of
errors. The necessity of this self-denying ordi-
nance was apparent when David Daggett and
Nathaniel Smith resigned from the Coimcil. As
two of the foremost attorneys they were reputed
« Travels, I, 171-173; cf. Greene, Religious Liberty, p. 402; Mercury,
June 18, 1816.
« Infra, p. 202.
\y
200 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
to have a lucrative practice which they would not
give up for the honors of the Council-board."
Some of the assistants held pluralities in the
judicial administration. For instance, David Dag-
%^ gett, while in the Council, also served as state's
attorney for New Haven. Jonathan Brace was a
member of the Council from 1802 to 1818, a judge
of the county court (i 809-1 821), judge of the pro-
bate court ( 1 809-1 824), state's attorney for Hart-
ford ( 1 807-1 809), mayor of Hartford, judge of
the city court (1799-18 15), and an ex officio justice
of the peace. Elizur Goodrich, while an assistant,
was also mayor of New Haven and judge of the
county court (1805-18 18).** Such cases gave force
to Republican attacks on the Council. Assistants
were virtually procuring for themselves remuner-
ative judgeships. Small wonder that even Federal-
ists admitted that the judiciary was not inde-
pendent.
Lack of patriotism was another count against
the Council. The Council took a lead in the oppo-
sition to the Embargo and to the War of 181 2.
Governor Griswold's refusal to accede to General
Dearborn's call for the militia was made on the
advice of the Council. He was really only the
mouth-piece of their policy. Chauncey Goodrich
and Samuel Sherwood were members of the Com-
« Sec Mercury, June 14, 21, July 5, 1804.
^For biographical data, see: Dexter, Biographical Sketches, IV,
1Q1-103» 114-117, 260-264; Thomas Day, Appendix to 13th. Kept., pp.
and Calhoun, Judicial History, pp. 199, 266; Kilbourne,
121-125.
iJ-iA
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 201
mittee of Safety of 1814. Every representative
of the state at the Hartford Convention, including
its secretary, were members or ex-members of the
Council. Such was the record of the recognized
leaders in the desperate time when America faced
foreign invasion.** The worst feature was that
this small group were in a position to determine
the state's policies.
Abraham Bishop's assault on the Council fo-
cussed attention on the "septem viri," as he de-
scribed David Daggett, Nathaniel Smith, Jona-
than Brace, J. Allen, William Edmond, Elizur and
Chauncey Goodrich. The reason for his exclu-
sion of Aaron Austin, who sat in the Council from
1794 to 1 8 18, and his inclusion of Allen are not ap-
parent. Republican writers, following Bishop, en-
larged upon the evils of an oligarchy, greatly ex-
aggerating the dangers which the state faced.
As seven men could control the Council, such an
inner group would be able to govern the state or
at least neutralize the power of the Lower House.
Republican agitators liked to emphasize their
association with banking, insurance and turn-
pike interests, their activity in the Congregational
missionary and Bible societies, their position on
the board of governors of Yale, and consequent
opposition to an Episcopalian college. Their selec-
tion of intimates for state appointive officers and
for senators and presidential electors was not over-
looked. They were charged with being under
.
** Mercury, Nov. 8, 1814; Aug. 27, 1816; CouratU, Nov. 8, 1814;
Jan. 31, 1815.
KfJCbj^amt^t^mSigm
202 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
clerical domination, being either the sons of
Congregational ministers or closely allied to them
by blood or marriage. They were compared to the
French Directory as the main-spring of the state on
whom all men depended.
The judiciary existed only in the statutes enacted
from time to time by the General Assembly. While
the powers and duties of the various courts were
fairly well defined, the whole system was extremely
complicated. To Judge Swift's System of the Laws
both bench and bar were deeply indebted for a
succinct statement, describing the various courts,
their jurisdiction and personnel.
The supreme judicial power lay in the hands of
the General Assembly. Until l8i8 it remained
the highest court of appeal, not unlike Parliament,
retaining in addition equity jurisdiction in cases
of over $5,000 and in special divorce cases. The
other courts were established by the General
Assembly, only to relieve itself of pressure, while
business increased as the commonwealth grew
more populous and life became more complex.^
This explains the dependence on the Legislature of
the supreme court of errors, the superior court,
the county or common pleas courts, the probate
courts, the justices of the peace, and the courts
of incorporated cities.
The supreme court of errors** was established
in 1784, in order to relieve the General Assembly
^Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History, p. 125; Swift, System of
the Laws, I, 60.
^ Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History, p. 133; Statutes, pp. 204,
205, 218.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 203
of the bulk of its judicial work. This court under
the presidency of the governor was made up of
the lieutenant governor and the assistants. A
session was held every June alternately at Hartford
and New Haven. Decisions were in writing and
were filed away by the clerk, so that the court was
bound by precedent. As the court of final appeal,
all matters of law or equity could be brought to
it for review from the supreme court.
The supreme court was subjected to considerable
criticism because of the method of its creation and
its personnel. Assistants who acted in lower
courts were virtually reviewing their own decisions.
They were judging cases in which their political
friends and even brother- judges were interested
personally or professionally. Its members were
elected to make laws, not to adjudicate, and if un-
trained in the law they were not fitted to render
decisions. At length, criticism forced in 1806
the discontinuance of the supreme court of errors
as then constituted.*^ The judges of the superior
court were increased to nine, any five to be a
quorum with the secretary of state as their clerk.
In 1 8 19 the supreme court fell before the new order.
The superior court** dated back to 171 1, its
five justices being increased in 1806 to a chief justice
and eight assistant justices. Until 181 8 they were
annually appointed by the General Assembly.
^"^ Statutes, pp. 218-221.
*»/Wrf., pp. 205, 218-220; Swift, SysUm of the Laws, I, 93 ff.; LoomM
and Calhoun, Judicial History y pp. 132 ff., 180. In 1806 it was provided
that a circuit judge who sat on the case should not act on an appeal
unless a quorum demanded his presence.
ii.R i' AU.-lJ
fH^g^H^^^l^f^^^^^^^
/
y
204 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Judge Swift would have had them appointed for life
or during good behavior, that they might be more
independent, especially in cases where an influential
character, say a member of the Legislature, hap-
pened to be opposed to a poor man without in-
fluence or friends. The state was divided into
three circuits, on which these judges were sent,
appearing twice a year in every county. Cases
might come on appeal to the superior court from
the decision of its own circuit judge.
As a regular court, it adjudged all crimes, the
punishment of which related to life, limb or banish-
ment. Blasphemy, atheism, and Unitarianism came
within its jurisdiction, as did statutory divorces,
perjury, burglary, horse-stealing, forgery and the
like. This court, by virtue of one of its own deci-
sions, had the power to issue writs of mandamus to
inferior courts, restraining or compelling them to
execute justice or force a town clerk to record a
deed. It granted writs of habeas corpus. On
complaint the court might disfranchise a freeman
for walking scandalously, and on his reformation,
restore his electoral privileges. The superior court
considered cases in equity up to about $5,000.
Its appellate jurisdiction included all criminal
cases from the lower courts, and civil cases from
the county and probate courts of more than twenty
dollars value.
The county or common pleas courts were*' es-
^^StattOes, pp. 197, 207; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 80, 101-104;
D wight, Travels, 1, 258; Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History, pp.
129-131.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 205
tablished about 1666, when county lines were first
traced. These courts were composed of a chief
justice and four assistants, with a clerk of their
own choice. As the judges were annually depen-
dent on the General Assembly for re-appointment,
their disinterested impartiality was subject to sus-
picion. Any three judges made a quorum, and
if necessary any assistant or justice of the peace
could be called in to act. Its original jurisdiction
in criminal matters included all crimes save those
punishable by life, limb, banishment or Newgate
penalties; and in civil cases anything beyond the
consideration of the justices of the peace. In civil
matters it exercised an appellate jurisdiction from
the justice in disputes regarding bonds of more than
seven dollars; and in chancery, jurisdiction up to
$335' Among its essentially administrative duties
were the superintendence of the estates of incompe-
tents, appointment of guardians, levying the judi-
cial tax on counties, admission of attorneys to
practice and penalizing them for faulty pleading,
and laying out highways.
The state was divided into about thirty probate
districts, every one under a judge annually ap-
pointed by the Legislature.*® Their duties con-
sisted in probating wills, appointing guardians, all
of which prior to 1716 had fallen to the General
Assembly or to the county courts. When an ap-
peal was taken from the probate to the superior
^^SUUutes, pp. 209-213; Dwight, Travels, I, 240; Swift, SysUm of
the Laws, I, 104; Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History^ pp. 151-153.
Jtma^e'iBS.tJKmtmf^^am^ammm^mmimlmmm^tm^^mtt^^^^
206 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
court, the latter only defined the law, leaving the
probate judge to carry out its administration.
The justices of the peace,'^ averaging about
/ seven to a town, were annually appointed by the
Legislature and hence, like the sheriff, represented
the state in the locality. As such, they advised
in the executive affairs of the community. The
senior justice had charge of the local elections.
With the selectmen and constables, they named
the tavern keepers; bound men to keep the peace;
and apprehended suspects. Their jurisdiction was
confined within the town, but their warrants only
by the state. Their jurisdiction was not unlike
that of the English justice of the peace. In
criminal matters the town justices could act
in cases where the fine was not more than seven
dollars, and could condemn to the stocks or whip-
ping-post negroes or those unable to pay a fine.
A single justice could not sentence a criminal to
prison. In civil matters their jurisdiction was
limited to $15, save in special actions. Cases of
drunkenness, swearing. Sabbath-breaking, debts,
unlicensed taverns, unlawful lottery tickets were
brought to their attention. Appeals could be
taken in all cases save those qf swearing or
Sabbath-breaking.
The justices came to be regarded by the Republi-
cans as the Council's minions in the locality, as
efficient workers in the Federalist political system.
They were invariably Federalist in politics or, if
not, were politically silenced. This explains the
" SUUuteSf index; Public Laws, index; Swift, System of the Laws, I,
60, 92, 107-109; Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History, p. 155.
V
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 207
Republican antagonism to the justices, even if,
as the Hartford Courant noted, they only received
''the squire and half a dozen six-pences a year.""
As justices were frequently representatives, sheriffs, //
mayors, or town officers, there was something in
the charge that too much power was centered in
their hands."
The judiciary was described as smooth- working,
just, calculated to avoid expense and delay, and
administering a penal code far different from the
atrocious one of England. The most orthodox
Federalist admitted the judiciary to be the weak
spot in the government. Dwight lamented the de-
pendence of judges in intriguing for annual re-
appointments.** In practice their terms were long,
probably because the Legislature reviewed their de-
cisions with satisfaction. Dwight, with a Biblical
vision, would have judges responsible to God alone.
Swift demanded an independent judiciary, es-
pecially objecting to the legislative prerogative
which allowed them on petition to revie^w a case
from the lower courts. Such appellate jurisdiction
seemed to him a menace, for the Legislature con-
sidered a case chiefly with an idea to its political
expediency. In this reasoning, Colonel Kirby
as a jurist and a Republican agreed."
" Mercury, Apr. 2, June 4, 1816; Courant, Aug. 19, 1817.
»• Forbidden by an act of 1812. Public Laws, p. 84.
•* Dwight, Travels, I, 243 ff.; Dwight, Decisions, pp. 269 ff. Sec
Dwight, Connecticut, p. 442; Greene, Religious Liberty, p. 428. Thomas
Seymour, Chief Justice of Hartford County for twenty years, became
a Republican and was dismissed. Mercury, May 24, 1804.
»* Swift, Vindication of Superior Court (1816); Conn. Reports, L
428; Baldwin in New Haven Hbt. See., Papers, V, 208.
\y
II Vi ' irMTl" ' r r ^
206 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: mS-lSlS
Alexander Hamilton was quoted by Republican
writers, to indicate the dangers of judicial com-
plaisance, if judges' commissions were temporary.
The judiciary should be a separate branch of the
government in order to exert a restraining influence
upon the Legislature and executive, and to afford
a free people security against a tyrannical exercise
of power. This could not be true, when every
judicial office existed only by virtue of a statute,
subject to repeal at the pleasure of the Legislature.
Judges and justices were not only appointed by
the Legislature, but often were themselves represen-
tatives. As such they were subject to accusations
of bargaining to win judicial preferment. Being
dependent, they were apt to be politically partial.
Judge Samuel Church of the supreme court of
errors and a framer of the constitution of 1818
wrote :
The Courts of law were most complained of as being
partisan in the discharge of their duties. The Judges were
annually appointed and an independent judiciary was
loudly and earnestly demanded. Prosecutions by States
Attorneys against Republican editors were frequent; Demo-
cratic lawyers were discountenanced and frowned upon."
The county courts and superior courts con-
trolled the admission of lawyers to the bar and,
as judges were Federalists to a man, their attitude
toward Republican candidates can be imagined.
Republicans rightly complained that judges could
not spend the morning writing inflammatory politi-
•• Church Mss.; cf. Barstow, New Hampshife^ p. 424, for similar con-
ditions in that state.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 209
cal Strictures, and then coolly decide the legal dif-
ferences between two opposing partisans, with
one of whom the judge might have had a rankling
newspaper controversy. Certainly, Republican
editors tried for libel were given scant justice by
judge or jury.'^ Impartial, not "Irish juries," were
demanded by a writer in the Litchfield Witness
who asked:
Is there to be no sanctuary left against the rage of party?
Is it not enough that our social circles and oxu* very meeting
houses are pervaded by its influence?**
Friend and foe, reactionary and reformer alike,
saw the necessity for judicial reform. Republi-
cans cried out, as the years went by, for a written
constitution which would plainly define the juris-
diction of the various courts, which would make
the judiciary a co-equal branch of the government
dependent on the organic, not statutory, law, and
free it from all dependence on the Legislature or
politics. Here they had one of their soundest,
practical arguments for a written constitution.
Long tenure in all offices might be said to have
been the Connecticut rule. Governors, lieutenant
governors, secretaries, treasurers, and councilors
held office year in and year out. Congressmen
served many terms; representatives, elected semi-
annually, often sat for their towns from twenty
to thirty sessions. Even the annually appointive
officers, judges, sheriffs, school commissioners, gen-
" Infra, p. 331.
»• Quoted in Mercury, Nov. 14, 1805.
210 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
erally had a good-behavior tenure. Mayors, town
clerks, selectmen, and constables were likewise
rewarded by numerous re-elections.'*
Strangers remarked this stability in a govern-
ment so apparently Republican. Later writers
have noted enthusiastically the long terms as evi-
dence of a grateful people.'® Republican reformers
accoimted for this permanence in office because
of the splendid political organization, the election
system, suffrage qualifications, and use of patron-
age. Today one sees in this bureaucracy a flaw
in the state's democracy, and wonders if there
might not have been a ruling class, which governed
while the people voted and boasted of their pure
democracy. No less a Federalist than David
Daggett, in describing the government before the
Revolution, said:
This state, and many others, were under a most perfect
aristocracy — The name truly we disowned, yet quietly
submitted to a government essentially autocratic.*^
** Space does not permit a consideration of the impressive number
of town officials who were annually elected, but who often served un-
usually long periods. One can not overlook the frequency with which
certain names appear. It would not be difficult to compile a list of the
influential governing families by towns.
"Cf. Baldwin in Amer. Hist. Assoc., Report (1890), p. 94.
« Daggett, Oration (1787), pp. 5-6. Cf. "But Connecticut was
federalist to the backbone, Roger Sherman in New Haven, the Wolcotts
in Litchfield, the Champions in Colchester, William Samuel Johnson
in Fairfield, Ellsworth in Hartford, the Trimibulls and Huntingtons in
Norwich — the state was under an oligarchy indeed; and so it continued
until the alliance of toleration and the democrats overthrew it." Ora-
tion by Arthur L. Shipman, in Oilman, Norwich, p. 113.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 211
Certainly there was no change in the ruling per-
sonnel in church or state in 1776, nor until the
political revolution of 1817-1818.
Federalist writers lauded the long periods of
official service as the basis of the state's stability
and excellent administration. Dr. Gale in 1782
argued in its favor, as experience made men expert
in the duties of their office, attacking the clause
in the Articles of Confederation which prevented
a member from sitting in Congress more than three
out of six years.** Judge Swift wrote:
A sentiment has for a long time been impressed on the
minds of the people, that it is best for the community to
continue in office all persons who have once been honoured
by their sujQFrages in case they continue to merit their con-
fidence This noble sentiment seems to be inter-
woven in the character of the people, and has a powerful
tendency to render public offices secure and permanent.*
Noah Webster assured his readers that rotation
in office did not protect a state from the cupidity
of public servants if the experiences of other states
served as a guide.**
Men came to regard their civil offices in the light
of freeholds. Those who opposed their re-election
were dangerous innovators, trying to subvert the
constitution, law and order. True, their rule was
beneficent. The state was honestly governed, at
least there was said to be relatively little legislative
corruption. Administration expenses were small,
•* Brief Remarks^ p. 30.
•* System of the Laws, I, 83.
w Oration, July 4, 1802, pp. 20 ff.
- -H.J-
nwjh It m
212 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
salaries being at a minimum. Republicans hardly
denied these advantages, yet in the name of democ-
racy demanded reforms which would result in more
frequent changes in office.
Closely associated with the government, and in
part explaining the long tenure of offices, was the
system of nomination and election. To the foreign
observer, this system appeared to represent the
very acme of democracy. Kendall noticed that
town officers were elected by the freemen; minis-
ters by their congregations; schoolmasters by the
school committees; inferior militia officers by the
privates; and state officers, town representatives,
assistants, and Congressmen by the freemen in
town meeting. He concluded enthusiastically:
''Every public trust and office in Connecticut is
elective."*'
Kendall had neither time nor the desire to look
behind the forms of democracy, or he might have
discovered a ruling aristocracy. Abraham Bishop
overshot the mark, but still came close to the truth,
when he declared: **We have lived in a State which,
exhibiting to the world a democratic exterior, has
actually practiced within itself all the arts of an
organized aristocracy, under the management of
the old firm of Moses and Aaron. '*••
One learns of the existence of this aristocratic
feature by a discerning reading of newspapers, ser-
mons, and political pamphlets ; certainly not by read-
ing the Federalist accounts of the government's sta-
• Kendall, Travels, I, 27.
* Bishop, Oration (1804), p. 20.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 213
bility, the permanence of officers, and the freeman's
delicate feelings regarding the sacredness of nomi-
nation and election, and his determination to reward
only men of inherent, proven worth. The Puritan
might hate king and bishop, but in Connecticut he
allowed a rule of the educated, well-bom, and
respectably wealthy. Their rule was benevolent
and probably half unconscious, even to themselves.
Yet it was not the less real, as was clearly demon-
strated, when they were forced to defend their
privileges in the name of the Federalist party against
an inflood of democracy which came with the dif-
fusion of political education. Reformers were to
learn that this class was intrenched behind an im-
pregnable barrier of statutes, patronage, and elec-
tion devices, which laughed to scorn Dwight's
and Swift's platitudes regarding a government
popularly controlled.
On the third Monday of September the freemen
met in town meeting to select their representa-
tives and to nominate twenty assistants and four-
teen (later sixteen) Congressmen.'^ On the Monday
after the first Tuesday in April the freemen voted
for the state officers: representatives, twelve as-
sistants from the list of twenty, and seven Con-
gressmen from their nomination list. The free-
men's meeting was presided over by an assistant,
a justice, or constable. Rarely would a town be
without a justice, so generally did this nominee of
the Legislature preside rather than the elective con-
stable. Usually the meeting was opened with
^ For election laws Statutes, pp. 244-251; PMic Laws, pp. 48, 78.
Mb^ridHM^dMMMaCb
214 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
prayer by a Congregational minister. This was
the invariable rule before 1800; but when certain
towns became ** Jacobean strongholds," this bit of
formality was not deemed essential. In other towns
to proceed without prayer would almost invalidate
the proceedings.** Some of the praying was, no
doubt, as the Republicans claimed, political. It
might be vague or as plain as that of the Hartford
cleric: **If you choose such men to rule over you,
the Lord have mercy on you." Robbins, who so
honestly feared Republicanism, must have found
it difficult to pray neutrally, for, after noting in his
diary that he had offered prayers at the election,
he concluded : **I think this last effort of Democracy,
through the mercy of our fathers' God, will meet
with a great defeat. "•• While Republicans did not
deny the clergyman the right to vote, they sug-
gested that it would be tactful in him to absent
himself, for his vote would rarely turn the result
and he would thereby free himself of the allegation
that he was influencing the vote.
Voting for representatives and state officers was
by secret ballot, though the secrecy was impaired
by the moderator's right to inspect folded ballots
to prevent stuffing.^® Nominations of assistants
and Congressmen were made in open meeting by
•• Sharpe, Oxford, p. 168; Robbins, Diary, I, 354; Courant, Sept. 29,
1808; Mercury, Sept. 25, Oct. 2, 1801.
" Diary, I, 472.
'• While election by ballot was provided for in 1639, it was not used
in practice. A law of 1670 allowed choice by acclamation, and not until
1814 was it definitely provided that election must be by ballot. Public
Laws, p. 162; Baldwin in Amer. Hist. Assoc., Report (1890), p. 89.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 215
any freeman. Republican charges of control by
minister, deacon and justices, described it as a
"deacon's seat" nomination. At any rate to openly
name an undesirable candidate required a boldness
only possible in men politically and financially inde-
pendent. According to Bishop, numbers of free-
men ceased to attend the elections, feeling that the
method of nomination defeated the purpose of
election. The vote for assistants and Congressmen
could be made secret only at the expense of casting
as a blank ballot one of his twelve votes. Another
cause of complaint was that these important offices
were balloted for late in the afternoon when many
of the freemen, tired of the long day, had gone
home.^^ Hence the Republican poll for representa-
tives was much larger than the vote for councilors.
Plaintively did Republican leaders request their
adherents to remain to the last. Election results
were certified by the clerk and sent to the Legis-
lature, thus, as Republicans complained, keeping
the people ignorant of the result for weeks.
The elections were conducted with decorum.^*
They were not disgraced with riots, bribery, and
open corruption, as were the English elections.
Drinking, however, was common, especially as in
some places it was customary to treat the select-
men. Corruption in the way of illegal voters,
crooked voting, proxy voting, printed tickets,
bribery, undue influence, receiving of bribes, and
" Bbhop, Address (1800), p. 67; Mercury, June 11, 1801; Apr. 1, 1802.
" Swift, SysUm of the Laws, I, 67, 153; Dwight, Travels, I, 225, 231;
Mercury, Oct. 28, 1802. Corrupt-practices act, Statutes^ pp. 244-246.
216 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
the dispensing of spirituous liquors to voters were
all guarded against by corrupt-practices clauses,
which provided penalties as high as a fine of thirty-
four dollars. The majority with their own justices
to enforce the law could easily prevent Republi-
can corruption. The danger lay in the interpre-
tation; undue influence might mean one thing for
a deacon and quite another for a Republican
demagogue. The chief barriers to actual corrup-
tion lay in the frequency of elections, small salaries,
and the law-abiding nature of the people.
Republican local successes so worried the major
party by 1801 that extra precautions were taken
to prevent the political defection of the towns. A
/^ new election law, the '*Stand-up Law," was framed
by the Council and with some difficulty forced
through the Assembly.^* This law provided that
the freemen's meeting should be presided over by
an assistant, a justice or the senior constable, or
by a person selected by a majority of the justices
and constables present. In this way there was
not the slightest danger of a Republican moderator.
A dangerous control over the meeting was given
this chairman, backed by justices ready to enforce
his decisions by fines, or binding over a "tumultuous
freeman." The new method of nomination was
considered especially infamous. Any freeman
could theoretically nominate a man, but voters
must stand or raise their hands to be counted.
To enable a freeman to keep track of his votes, he
was given twenty slips of paper for counters,
^Statutes, pp. 251-253.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 217
one of which he was supposed to drop at every
vote. Tellers appointed by the moderator counted
the votes aloud and reported to the moderator,
who audibly repeated the number while recording
it on the minutes.
No Federalist measure created more of an up-
roar. As leading Republicans like Gideon Granger,
Elisha Hyde and Joseph Wilcox pointed out in
debate, complete supervision of elections was in
the hands of deeply interested justices. Every-
thing depended upon tellers who were independent
of the freemen and strongly Federalist. Aside from
intentional errors, it was easy to err in the frequent
counting of a crowded room or gathering on the
green. ^* Whether a freeman voted more than
twenty times could not be readily known, nor was
it as easy as under the old way to detect illegal
voters. All secrecy was destroyed; squire, min-
ister and candidate knew how every individual
voted. Federalists contended that the law saved
time in that election hours were cut in half; then,
too, that a man not independent enough to vote
openly, without fear or favor, was unworthy the
suffrage. They refused to believe that banker,
manufacturer or general merchant could control
a farmer's or laborer's vote, or that social or re-
ligious fears would prevent a free vote. Con-
'* Errors were notoriously frequent, votes of whole towns being
thrown out on a technicality. Moderators even refused to put the
Republican list, and through their power, it was charged, Republican
towns went Federalist. Mercury , Sept. 27, Oct. 25, Nov. 1, 1804;
Oct. 10, 1805; May 25, 1809; CourafU, June 4, 1806; May 20, 1807.
These are but typical examples.
-»l*'
218 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
necticut, it was said, had no oveiigrown estates
or landlords ambitious to lead. In part this was
true, but the economic development of the state
resulted in a fairly wealthy class which, allied
with the social and religious order, could exert
a pressure which many freemen could not over-
look. Republican newspapers ridiculed the so-
called freedom of election as guaranteed by an
act of the aristocratic Council.
Judge Baldwin justly characterized the act as
an undermining of the venerable system of election,
''in vain hope to uphold the declining fortunes of
the Federalist party. "^* It was a piece of sharp
practice impossible to defend, and doomed to defeat
its own end by arousing the minority bitterly to
fight on to victory. It lent color to all charges of
unfairness in elections. It assured the country
that the majority had the will and the power to
perpetuate themselves. The most ardent Feder-
alist supporter of church and state could justify
the measure only by the pernicious theory that a
good end justifies a bad means.
Colonel Ephraim Kirby proposed an election bill
in the fall session of 1802 which was defeated by
120 to 59 votes. Yet only a written ballot was
asked, which would mean deliberation, secrecy,
and more celerity.'* Another attempt to purify
the election system was made by the Republicans
in the spring of 1808. They were quoted on the
"Bishop, Oration (1804), pp. 13-15.
" NationallnteUigencer and PiUsfidd Sun, articles quoted in Mircury
Nov. 11, 22, Dec. 23, 1802.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 219
necessity of secrecy in elections, and gave the Feder-
alist arguments against vicious innovation with
the query why the election law of the fathers had
been changed. ^^ Again in the spring of 1 8 1 7 another
attempt at repeal was made, only to be followed
by success in the next session.^*
Suffrage qualifications were defined by statutes and
hence subject to legislative change at any session.^*
Any man of twenty-one years could be made a voter
if he was possessed of "a free-hold estate to the value
of seven dollars per annum, or one hundred and
thirty-four dollars personal estate in the general
list . . . or .... of estates by law
excused from putting into the list; and [was] of
a quiet and peaceable behavior and civil conver-
sation.*' The property qualifications were simply
the old forty-shilling freehold and forty-pound
personal clauses translated into the new monetary
system. No attempt was made, as in Rhode
Island, to adapt the property qualification to the
fluctuating value of money. Hence the qualifi-
cations became more liberal and the number of
potential voters larger, as real and personal proper-
ty increased in value. The Federalist majority
by supplementary acts further restricted the num-
ber of freemen and made admission more difficult.
In 181 it was enacted that the real estate must
be free of mortgage, and the one hundred and
" Mercury, June 9, 1808.
7» Public Laws, p. 297; Courant, Nov. 4, 1817.
^* Statutes, pp. 185, 357, 650; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 69; Dwight,
Travels, I, 223; Bronaon in New Haven Hist. Soc, Papers, I, 50; Mc-
Kinley, Suffrage, p. 414.
y|fiHi«#BiM#Wi»IMMBV»«B*
220 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
thirty-four dollars on the list must be exclusive of
the sixty-dollar poll or assessments. A year later
it was provided that a freeman must be a free,
white male. Another law punished with a heavy
fine illegal voting or dishonesty in qualifying for
a freeman.*®
Suffrage was a gift, not a right. Every man had
to be approved before he was made a voter, other-
wise he was legally only an inhabitant. Before
any meeting of freemen the selectmen sat to con-
sider the petitions of potential freemen. On certifi-
cation by a majority of the selectmen, the candi-
date was enrolled by the town clerk in open free-
men's meeting, and took the oath from an assistant
or justice.*^ As the selectmen were elected by the
voters of the town, they were apt to be under
Republican influence, if that party had a majority
in the town. Hence the Federalists sought to take
this power out of the hands of elective officers.
In i8oi the law was so revised that a man must
have the written approval of a majority of the civil
authorities and selectmen." This virtually placed
the making of freemen in the hands of the Federalist
justices. As a precaution, it was provided, that
the deed of the freehold must be executed and
registered four months before the new voter could
be approved. A freeman known to be "walking
scandalously" or guilty of a scandalous offense
»• Public Laws, pp. 113, 162, 209. In 1810 there were 6,453 blacks
and in 1820, 7,844.
» Statutes, p. 357; Dwight, Travels, I, 223; Conn. State Records, I,
226.
« Statutes, p. 358; Public Laws, p. 256.
.4iA
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 221
could be disfranchised by the superior court.
Here again a Federalist justice proved a valuable
Paul Pry. Swift believed that a man would not be
stricken from the list, though reduced in property.
Republicans, however, disagreed, citing cases where
men had been disfranchised on the depreciation
of their wealth.*' There was nothing to prevent
the suffrage from falling a prey to party intrigue.
Indeed the whole arrangement benefited the party
in power; and the law could be so administered as
to practically disfranchise prospective freemen of
Republican tendencies. In the suffrage abuses.
Republicans found another argument for a written
constitution.
Extension of the suffrage became a chief plank in
Connecticut Republicanism and made an appeal-
ing campaign cry. That men were vitally de-
sirous of the vote is not half as certain as the deter-
mination of Republican leaders to impress upon
them that with the suffrage they could right their
wrongs. Men were sure to be interested in the
party which so cherished their welfare. Feder-
alists thrown on the defensive, were driven to un-
democratic arguments against an open suffrage.
The politicians struck a popular idea; they had
read the people's mind.
The right of suffrage as the best privilege of man
became the usual toast at Republican celebra-
•* System of the Laws, I, 69. For case of a veteran of the French
and Indian and Revolutionary wars, admitted as a freeman in 1769,
but disfranchised under the new law, see Mercury ^ Apr. 3, 1806.
222 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: mS-lSIS
tions.*^ On such occasions the old theme of no
taxation without representation again commanded
attention. All men were taxed; but all men did
not vote. Rhetorical questions were propounded
as to the success of a revolution which left many
inhabitants not citizens, but "white slaves." On
all occasions the "poor porpoises," as Noah Web-
ster was accused of calling the non-freemen citi-
zens," were told that they were liable to military
service. They had little to defend, but in case of
war would be drafted to die for their masters.
Their privilege was to fight, to pay taxes, but
never to select their rulers. There were even
Revolutionary veterans without the vote. Of the
48,000 men in the state in 181 5, about twenty
thousand, it was argued, were in the militia, while
the rest were in the excepted classes. Yet it was
these latter classes which made up the bulk of the
freemen and owned five-sixths of the property.**
The laboring man, and the son of the small farmer
and mechanic were not voters, yet were forced to
** See, for instance, accotmts of Fourth of July celebrations in Mer-
cury, July 21, 1803; July 14, 19, 1804.
^ Noah Webster, attacking the suffrage bill in the Assembly (1802),
told the following story: "While Commodore Truxton and his crew
lay at Philadelphia, the crew were all invited up to Freemen's Meeting,
their votes were handed them, and they voted according to the wishes
of a party. Not long afterward, when they were returning up the
Delaware from a cruise, they saw a school of Porpoises making toward
Philadelphia. One of them asked the other, where are those Porpoises
going; why, damn it, replied the other, to a freeman's meeting to
vote for ." Mercury, Dec. 2, 1802. Republicans immediately
accepted the term, which, it was predicted, would be as honorable as
sansculottes. Mercury, Feb. 3. 1803.
» Mercury, Jan. 24, 1815.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 223
serve in the militia. Republicans held no brief for
universal suffrage, but for all men who served in
the militia or paid taxes. A property qualification'^
they decried, as unmoral and dangerous, for
through it the brave yeomanry of the state were
deprived of their only weapon against wealth's
oppression. Col. Kirby argued with moderation in
the Assembly of 1802, in favor of a bill extending
the suffrage to all men of certified peaceful and
moral character. There could be no danger, for
there was no intention to include dissolute persons
or the few aliens within the state. He felt that
the majority of freeholders would not object to
this simple justice to their neighbors, and that the
justices and selectmen would exercise sufficient
care. Another Republican member suggested that
a property qualification was not deemed necessary
for witnesses in the law courts, where the danger
of bribery was far greater. Their arguments were
vain, as they were to be taught by another defeat
in 1804.'* Under the system in force even a man
of means might be disfranchised, if all his wealth
was invested in trade or business, rather than in
land, houses, or listed personal property. This
injustice loomed larger as more men turned from
agriculture to business. *• It was urged that the
property basis did not prevent corruption, for there
are "our manufactured voters." Wealthy men
" Mercury, Aug. 25, 1808.
" Ibid., Dec. 2, 1802; May 31, June 7, 1804.
** An industrious artisan might be better off than a freeman fanner.
It was said men with from $1,000 to $4,000 were disfranchised. Mer-
cury, Jan. 9, 1816.
i pr t 'i i M»^lm^^ '
224 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: mS-ISIS
could present their sons with seven dollars a year
in land, thus gaining freemen's rights for them.
Again, favoritism was charged, in that a Yale
diploma gave the professional man a vote.*" Re-
publicans made capital of every argument, some
of them strikingly modem arguments in their
socialistic leanings.*^
Federalist leaders were aroused to the defense
of the property qualification, well aware that its
removal would mean a Republican victory. Swift
in 1795 was inclined to question if character would
not be a better safeguard against corruption than
the possession of property, yet he saw no hardship
because of the small amount of property required."
By 1 801 these Federalist doubts had disappared.
Noah Webster in 1802 argued against moral
qualifications as the sole standard, recalling the
fact that Rome fell only when she extended her
suffrage. •• He indignantly denied that sovereignty
was derived from the people, that officers were
servants of the people, or that legislators were re-
sponsible to their constituents. These were fal-
lacies intended to degrade the magistracy, bring
law and government into contempt, and stimulate
^Mercury, Apr. 14, 1803; July 24, 1806.
^ "The great alann about this [universal sufiFrage] is, lest the poor
should gain the advantage of the rich; but all the laws in the world
were never able to give the poor one-tenth of their rights." Mercury,
Jan. 16, 1806. "Aristocracies dare not rely for support on the plough
and the hammer. Federalists have a radical contempt for stone cutters
and saddlers." Mercury, Jan. 9, 1806.
" System of the Laws, I, 69.
^Mercury (debates), Dec. 2, 1802; Oratim, Fourth of July, 1802,
especially pp. 17-20.
THE WORKING GOVERNMENT 225
factious discontent. He grieved that some dis-
tinction was not possible, in English as in Latin,
between populus and plebs. He continued:
Equally absurd is the doctrine that the universal enjoy-
ment of the right of siifiFrage, is the best security for free
elections and a pure administration. The reverse is proved
by all experience to be the fact; that a liberal extension of
the right of suffrage accelerates the growth of corruption,
by multiplying the number of corruptible electors, and
reducing the price of venal suffrages.
He agreed that all men should have equal pro-
tection before the law, whether they possessed
a single cow or a thousand acres, but not equal
power to make that law. Every man is not
worthy of a magistracy or college professorship,
nor is every man capable of sharing in govern-
ment through the exercise of the suffrage. It
would be an injustice and a danger to allow the
class who hold but a twentieth of the wealth to rule.
This was his viewpoint:
The very principle of admitting everybody to the right
of suffrage, prostrates the wealth of individuals to the
ijpipaciousness of a merciless gang, who have nothing to lose
and will delight in plundering their neighbors.**
David Daggett in a pamphlet, Count the Cost,
decried the clamor for the vote, arguing that govern-
mental stability meant nothing to the penniless
man who exhausted his earnings in the grog shop,
"to the mere bird of passage," or the merchant
whose wealth was in movable goods. But to the
landed man stability was everything. Unlike
•• Mercury, Apr. 28, 1803.
_ *.;— -
x^ •" ■^^•-'~ -—'• — .~—_-Yg. -■ ■— I-— 1[
226
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Webster, he did not demand a plural vote as the
alternative if every man was given one vote.
George W. Stanley contended that property
demanded more protection than life or liberty,
which were safe under ordinary circumstances. ••
As nine- tenths of the work of Legislature and courts
consisted of protecting property, the making of
laws should be left to property owners. Universal
suffrage would give an electorate controlled by
demagogues. It would dethrone the middle class
which, according to the Connecticut Courant, could
alone check the ambition of the upper class and
the licentiousness of the populace. Such were
the Federalist views on the suffrage question.
* Oralian, Aug. 8, 1805, pp. 12 ff.
CHAPTER VI
Rise of the Democratic-Republican Party
CONNECTICUT'S opposition party was of late
birth. There had been a loyalist minority
during the Revolution, and afterwards a strong
faction which favored a weakly centralized gov-
ernment and sympathized with the Shays insur-
rection. The Federalists controlled the Legislature.
Oliver Ellsworth, Roger Sherman, and William
Samuel Johnson, three of the ablest men in the
state, were sent to the Federal Convention.* When
the constitution was submitted for ratification,
there was at no time a dangerous opposition.
Defended by the three framers, as well as by Gov.
Huntington, David Daggett, Jeremiah Wadsworth,
Pierrepont Edwards, Joel Barlow, Noah Webster,
Richard Law, and most of the clergy, the con-
stitution was easily ratified by 128 to 40 votes.
Yet among the opposition were several respectable
patriot officers under the leadership of Gen. James
Wadsworth. William Williams, the senior coun-
cilor, at first an opponent because the instrument
had no religious test, finally gave a half-hearted
support. The victory won, the factions were
merged, for they were not at odds over questions
of local import. Nor did the Anti-Federalists
completely lose political prestige.
* Bernard Steiner, Connecticut's Ratification of the Federal Consti-
tution, gives a good discussion of this subject.
227
228 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Anti-Federalism cannot be described as the
forerunner of Republicanism. Some of the Anti-
Federalists continued to be stout supporters of the
Standing Order, while, as the above names indicate,
some of the strongest supporters of the consti-
tution were to lead the Jeffersonian party. As
parties there was no binding link between them.
Divergent views upon foreign affairs provided
the issue, though a cleavage was bound to come.
All Connecticut supported the French Revolution
while it retained Anglo-Saxon characteristics of
moderation, but only radicals could acquiesce in
its later phases. This extreme element were
dubbed Jacobins; and their clubs, few indeed in
Connecticut, were with horror believed to be of
French model. They proudly viewed the career of
Joel Barlow, an active Girondist and an ardent
revolutionist, and approved of the Anti-Federalist,
Abraham Bishop, who, like his master, Jefferson,
was an interested spectator.* This personal equa-
tion made the connection between local and French
Jacobins seem to their neighbors dangerously close.
Reaction made of others '* Anglo-men," who saw
no evil in the kings of the coalition. They were
blamed for so soon forgetting the villainies of
George III. As both wings became more moder-
ate, the vast majority were able to join one side
or the other. Finally the foreign bias gave way
« StOes, Diary, III, 339; Daggett, Three Letters (1800), pp. 5-6. Bar-
low, in 1791-1792, wrote Advice to Privileged Orders and The Con-
spiracy of Kings. He also translated C. F. Volney, Ruins or Meditations
on the Revolutions of Empires.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 229
to differences of opinion on local and national
policies, thereby assuring the permanence of the
factions.*
During the decade, 1 790-1 800, there was prac-
tically no political life in the modem sense.* Elec-
tions were not contested. The only reasons for a
scattering vote on the nominations of governor,
lieutenant governor, assistants and Congressmen
or local officers, were personal. Even then the
votes were sufficiently concentrated on certain
tried, professioal leaders, as hardly to warrant the
description of being scattered. The poll was ex-
ceedingly small, for there was no interest which
would bring out the electorate. Hardly two per-
cent of the population voted.* The addresses of
the governor to the Legislature were concerned
with suggestions as to desirable local legislation.
Men, who later became the most bitter political
enemies, were during these years acting harmoni-
ously as brother officers in the Cincinnati and
Masonic lodges.
As late as 1796 Gideon Granger and Ephraim
* Cf . Sketch of Connecticut politics in Mercury ^ Aug. 28, Sept. 14,
1800.
* In March, 1794, Democracy, an Epic Poem was published in the
Courantf and in August, 1795, "The Echo" — both picturing the fright-
fulness of mob rule. Bishop prefaced his " 1800'' oration with a com-
plaint of the bastings which Republicans got, and Daggett in turn ac-
cused him of a ten-years hostility to government and clergy. Webster,
in 1800, described the British and Jacobin factions and encouraged
Oliver Wolcott to support Adams whom he was opposing. Ford,
Websteff I, 504-506. Cf. W. A. Robinson, Jeffcrsanian Democracy in
New Englandf pp. 2 fiF.
» Note, p. 297.
230 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Kirby as independent candidates for the assist-
ants' nomination, but probably supported by the
Jacobin element, could only poll a few hundred
votes. Even so. Governor Wolcott in 1797 took
occasion to deprecate the efforts of French par-
tisans and agents to cause American intervention.*
Thom.as Day, the state treasurer, delivered in the
folIoAivong year a Fourth of July oration on "Party
Spirit," in which he arraigned men like Jefferson
who would make American interests subservient
to those of France by stirring up party rancor.
Noah Webster, the New Haven orator, on the
same day exhorted his fellow citizens with a true
Federalist ring: "Never .... let us exchange
our civil and religious institutions for the A\ild
theories of crazy projectors; or the sober, indus-
trious moral habits of our country, for experi-
ments in atheism and lawless democracy. Experi-
ence is a safe pilot; but experiment is a dangerous
ocean, full of rocks and shoals."^ He then asked:
Why let foreign politics divide us and make us
party-men ?
In 1799 an occasional town was said to be con-
^CouratUy May 15, 1797. Of Wolcott, Azel Backus said in his
funeral sermon: "That he never stooped to court the suffrage of any
man is a beauty not a blemish of his character. He blushed at the
thought of being a man of the People in the modem sense." P. 19.
» P. 15. Webster wrote (May 12, 1798) to Pickering describing the
election: "There never was so full an election. The citizens . . . .
have no wish to be involved in political disputes .... the usual
vote for governor and councU has risen from 3,000 to 7,000 ....
The number of votes mustered by the clubs will not rise above 590."
Pickering Mss., XXII, 156, from Robinson, Jeffersanian Democracy,
p. 18 n. See also Robbins, Diary, I, 54.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 231
trolled by the local Jacobin Club, which would
send representatives to the Assembly. In all
about fifteen or sixteen ''Jacobins'* were counted.'
Senator Uriah Tracy wrote from Litchfield, April
8, 1799:
Kirby is, to the disgrace of this town again chosen deputy,
but he has no cause of triumph .... all the solid, re-
spectable part of the town, without any preconcem or in-
trigue, voted against him, and the third time going round
he just obtained, by the aid of every tag-rag who could
be mustered, and a whole winter of intrigue and very ex-
pensive intrigue too .... his triumph is short Uved,
for we shall soon show the ugly whelp his face in the glass.
Connecticut is substantially right and so is Litchfield.*
In the Assembly the silence of the "Jacobins"
was noted, as was their factious support of the
Anglican petition. Their highest vote, given to
General Hart for assistant, amounted to 1,000.*®
The American Mercury at Hartford and the New
London Bee became the organs of the emerging
opposition party. A press was what was needed,
as Matthew Lyon recognized, when he threatened
to revolutionize the state by establishing a Repub-
lican paper similar to his Vermont organ.** Yet
in 1799 Federalist fears were slight, despite Gov-
ernor Trumbull's suggestion to the Legislature in
submitting the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions,
that there were appearances of ''unreasonable
jealousy" or "unguarded passion."*^
» CourarU, Feb. 25, Apr. 22, June 3, 1799.
* Gibbs, Administrations of Washington and Adams ^ II, 232.
^^Courant, Oct. 28, 1799.
" New Haven Hist. Soc., Papers, VI, 291; Courant, Dec. 1, 1800.
^CourarU, May 13, 20, June 3, 1799. There is some suggestive
material in Tutor Zechariah Lewis, Oration, July 4, 1799.
232 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
In 1800 the Republicans formally organized for
the Jeflfersonian campaign, in a meeting called at
the home of Pierrepont Edwards of New Haven. ^*
Edwards was a federal district judge and probably
the leading lawyer in his vicinity. A brother of
Jonathan Edwards, Jr., long pastor of North
Church, New Haven, an uncle of President Dwight
and of that notorious Republican, Aaron Burr, re-
lated to Tapping Reeve by marriage, he was a rep-
resentative of the state aristocracy. His position
was of value to the nascent party in a community
bound by local family prestige. Burr probably
lent his organizing ability, for later he made an
electioneering tour into the state. Among the
leaders interested were General William Hart, Col-
onel Ephraim Kirby, Alexander Wolcott, Gideon
Granger, Abraham Bishop, and Asa Spalding.
Abraham Bishop inaugurated the partisan strug-
gle, with his Commencement Address on '*The
Extent and Power of Political Delusions." It
will suffice to remark here that, through its
cynical attack on the Standing Order, the church,
the clergy, and the college, it gave the tone
of bitterness characterizing the generation-long
campaign of the opposition party. Bishop's
attack recoiled on himself. He was described as
an atheistical Jacobin, seeking to arouse the
latent passions of class and sectarian hatred, in an
endeavor to overturn religion and law. He was
the unworthy son of a fine family whose glory was
"Greene, Religious Liberty^ pp. 416-418, 474; Daggett, Essay
(1803), p. 19.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 233
the well-being of the Christian commonwealth.
He was embroiling families and neighborhoods in
factious struggles, hitherto unknown in the state.
His reputation was torn to shreds.
The Republican principles were not yet clearly
enunciated. Aside from the religious questions,
which gave Republicanism an anticlerical char-
acter, the issues were those of the national Jeffer-
sonian party. Republicans demanded more de-
mocracy in opposition to the Anglo-men, whom
they described as desirous of waging war upon
France in support of old-world aristocracies and
their beloved English constitution. If the Federal-
ists arrogated to themselves the title of "friends
of religion and order," Republicans would be
known as the successors of the patriots, "friends
of liberty and the constitution." They called for
the districting of the state, in order that the mem-
bership in Congress be representative. Presi-
dential electors, made up of the governor, lieuten-
ant governor, and the five judges of the superior
court, were described as hostile to the spirit of
free government.
The new party waged a vigorous spring cam-
paign in 1800. The Federalists were taken by
surprise, so that their vote was somewhat scat-
tered; while the Democrats massed their vote
with unusual success. In this way General Wil-
liam Hart with 1,587 votes attained fourteenth
and Gideon Granger with 1,052 votes the eight-
teenth place on the congressional nomination."
1* Mercury t May 22, 1800.
234 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
While the electoral mechanism made success im-
possible, winning places on the list was encourag-
ing in that it aroused high hopes. Federalist vigi-
lance prevented a like happening for a long time,
for a surprise could succeed but once.
The Presidential campaign commenced early."
Jefferson's character and religious views were
castigated by Federalists, lay and clerical. To
counteract these injurious calumnies the Repub-
licans printed a free pamphlet, giving extracts
from Jefferson's **Notes on Virginia" to prove him
a God-fearing man. Federalist leaders and papers
urged the freemen to look to New York and Penn-
sylvania for the results wrought by a revolution-
ary party. Republicans were accused of counter-
feiting assistants' nominations, in order to scatter
the votes of unsuspecting freemen; of meeting in
private cabals; of sending missionaries to harangue
people in clubs and taverns; and of actually nomi-
nating themselves. The touring of the eastern
counties by the Republican candidate for Congress
was used as proof of the brazen affrontery of
demagogues. It was indeed a revolutionary
manoeuver, for nominations had always been
clothed with a popular character and open elec-
tioneering was unknown." Every effort was
"Chauncey Goodrich wrote from Hartford, Aug. 26, 1800: "The
Democrats have taken courage to come out into the open day, and are
very busy. A few active recruits have joined them .... As
yet, it is not known that any character of worth has gone over to their
side." Gibbs, op. cii., II, 411. Welling, Connecticut Federalism^ pp.
296 ff.; H. S. Randall, Life of Jeferson, II, 642 ff.; Adams, History of
U. 5., I, 312 flF.; Courant, July 7, Sept. 1, 29, 1800.
^^Courant, Aug 4, Sept. 1; Mercury, Sept. 11, 1800.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PA RTY 235
made to prevent Republican success by beseeching
electors to attend the fall meeting and vote for
known Federalists. A newspaper reign of terror
appears to have been inaugurated to intimidate
Republican editors. ^^ The result of the freemen's
meetings was anxiously awaited. In the assist-
ants' nomination Hart won the eighteenth place.
For Congress the seven elected were Federalists,
but Hart received the eighth and Granger the
ninth place. The Assembly again had "demo-
cratic" members, though not as many as in the
spring. Governor Trumbull made his first politi-
cal speech, calling upon Providence to preserve
the state from the dangerous innovations of the
time.^*
" Robbins, Diary, I, 124, reported from Danbury: "The Democratic
editor in this town has blown out and moved to Norwalk. The boys
attended him out of town with bells, quills, etc/' Charles Holt of the
New London Bee was fined $200 and sentenced to three months im-
prisonment by the circuit court. There was a movement to establish
the Republican Optic at Litchfield. Mercury, Sept 25, 1800; Courant,
Apr. 21, Dec. 1, 1800.
" Hart received 3,892 votes to 9,625 for William Hillhouse. For
Congress Hart polled 3,250 votes to Samuel Dana's 6,273. Courani,
Oct. 13, 20, 27; Mercury, Oct. 23; Robbins, Diary, I, 123. Webster
to Wolcott, Sept. 17, 1800: "We have had the warmest election in
Connecticut that I ever saw. We have defeated the Jacobins in this
town [New Haven); in others the victory is upon their side. Their
astonishing exertions, secrecy, and discipline have effected much — their
lies and misrepresentations exceed all credibility. They will not, I
believe, carry any important point this time — but the principles of
corruption arc spreading fast in Connecticut — and the las$ stronghold
of republicanism is so violently assaulted that its fate is uncertain. I
have long believed that no government in which the right of suffrage
is founded on population can be durable — and the cheapness of that
right will greatly accelerate the destruction of ours." Ford, Webster,
II, 506
236 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Federalists congratulated themselves on their
success. With the Republican poll well over
3,000, they were thankful that an unusual Federal-
ist vote was cast. Otherwise, the party of disorder
would have saddled itself in power, displacing the
tried men of the old order. ^
Republicans, it was said, were so organized and
drilled blindly to vote for designated characters,
that their chances of success were vastly increased.
In Connecticut, as elsewhere, the Jeflfersonian
party was educating the people to use the ballot
and not to leave the business of governing to a
professional class. To counteract Republican ap-
peals. Federalist leaders were forced to bring out
their whole voting strength. The ballot was to
become an instrument of value, as more than
a nominal rule of the people was about to be
developed through party life. The poll became
larger ; and more stress was laid upon the privilege
of suffrage. The national election of 1800 encour-
aged Republicans to "revolutionize" Connecticut.
The campaign of 1801 was inaugurated by a
state gathering of a thousand Republicans, at
Wallingford on March 11, to celebrate the Jeflfer-
son-Burr victory.^' This was the first of a series
of party jubilees which aroused popular interest,
much as did the Methodist camp-meeting, from
which they probably originated. To the sober
Federalist it was a contemptible pandering to the
multitude. Gideon Granger read the Declaration
of Independence; Rev. Stanley Griswold preached
^* Mercury, Mar. 19, 26, Apr. 1, June 11; Caurant, Mar. 9, 23, 1801.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 237
the sermon; and after Pierrepont Edwards had
read Jefferson's inaugural address, Abraham Bishop
delivered an oration, taking as his motto, "Our
Statesmen to the Constitution and our Clergy to
the Bible." Anticlerical as it was in bias, its
tone was more destructive, with its insistence that
the state was without a constitution. The rally
ended with a banquet at which toasts were given
to the Republican leaders in nation and state, to
true religion, and to the destruction of a political
ministry and a state church.
The anticlerical plank was made emphatic.
The union of church and state was becoming the
crucial issue, as the clergy were condemned as
''political parsons."*® Fisher Ames, who was
desirous of making the Boston Palladium a Lon-
don Gazette, wrote to Theodore Dwight, asking
that the clergy and good men assist its circulation,
as they were doing in Massachusetts. He con-
tinued: "An active spirit must be aroused in
every town to check the incessant proselytizing
acts of the Jacobins, who will soon or late subvert
Connecticut, as surely as other States unless
resisted with a spirit as ardent as their own."*^
*® "Those states which are most under the hierarchical yokcj will be
last .... The favorite theme of uniting church and state, has
Been more cherished in New England than in any other part of the
United States, and more in Connecticut than any other state. The
numerous advocates of this system will not yield, 'till the influence of
truth, and the voice of the i>eople become too powerful for further
resistance." Mercury j May 11, 1801.
'^ He said this paper "should whip Jacobins as a gentleman would a
chimney-sweeper, at arm's length, and keeping aloof from his soot."
Fisher Ames, I, 292-295, 315.
%
238 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Federalists did not deny the deep-rooted influence
of the clergy, but defended it as something de-
sirable." They defined the issue as one between
"Religion and Infidelity, Morality and Debauch-
ery, legal Government and total Disorganization."
Resenting what they termed an infidelic attack
on the church and its ministry, they questioned
the Christian motives of the Baptists and Metho-
dists who were in accord. Their stand was honest,
for they had convinced themselves that only under
the ancient system could the commonwealth's wel-
fare be assured. Theirs was the conservatism of
an intrenched interest.
In the spring election of 1801 Republican can-
didates first appeared for governor and lieutenant
governor. Judge Richard Law and Colonel Eph-
riam Kirby.^* Against neither of them could a
reasonable objection be raised. Law was an
excellent justice, but a political apostate. That
was enough! Than Kirby. no contemporary did
more to raise the Connecticut bar and legal educa-
tion to a higher level. Upon counting the vote
« Courant, Jan. 12, Feb. 2, 1801; Dwight, Travels, IV, 404 ff.; Robbins,
Diary, I, 135. Theodore Dwight's frequently quoted Oration of
1801, after describing the lowering tone of religion and morab, broken
family ties, asked: "The outlaws of Europe, the fugitives from the
pillory, and the gallows, have undertaken to assist our own abandoned
citizens, in the pleasing work of destroying Connecticut
Can imagination paint anything more dreadful on this side of hell?"
Pp. 15-17, 28-31.
** CouratU, Apr. 6, May 18, 25, 1801. For biographical notices of
Kirby, see: Kilboume, Sketches, pp. 103-107; Orcutt, Torrington, p.
207; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 236; Mercury, Dec. 13, 1804; May
16, 1805.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 239
it was found that Governor Trumbull and Lieu-
tenant Governor Treadwell had received 11,156
and 9,066 against 1,056 and 2,038 votes for their
opponents. Calvin Goddard for Congress re-
ceived 7,397 votes as against 3,256 for Granger.
The Republicans had at least forced out the
Federalist vote, for such a poll for governor had
never been recorded. In the Assembly the new
party won thirty-three seats, or about a sixth.
Certain towns were becoming Republican strong-
holds, whereas other doubtful towns were inclining
toward Republicanism. A study of the situation
will show Republican strength throughout the state.
Jefferson's election materially benefited the local
organization, in furnishing ''deserving democrats"
with paying federal offices. They were thus
enabled to carry on their political propaganda and
build a Republican machine. It was excusable,
for the minority party received no state or local
appointments, and without patronage the opposi-
tion could not have maintained itself so many
years. This explained the persistence which
astounded the Federalists, who expected that each
of their overpowering victories would cause oppo-
sition to die of sheer desperation.
Nothing excited Connecticut as much as Jeffer-
son's removal of Elizur Goodrich from the col-
lectorship of New Haven, and the appointment
of the aged mayor, Samuel Bishop." Goodrich,
»* Courant, Mar. 2, 30, June 15, July 30, 1801; Mercury, June 11, 18,
July 23, 1801; Ford, Webster, I, 515-522; Greene, Religious Liberty,
pp. 421-423; Charles Burr Todd, Life of Col. Aaron Burr, p. 93; C. R
Fish, Civil Service and the Patronage, pp. S^SS.
240 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
named by Adams and approved by the Senate,
February 19, 1801, resigned his seat in Congress
to accept the sinecure. The reason for the
removal, besides that of place-making, was Good-
rich's unbecoming activity in advancing the inter-
ests of Aaron Burr before Congress. The mer-
chants of New Haven drew up a memorial to the
President, criticizing the appointment of a man
nearly eighty years of age who could only perform
his duties through clerks and who was already
overburdened with state and local offices. Their
real complaint was that his "notorious" son would
be the actual collector. Jefferson in reply de-
fended the appointment because of the noble
career of Bishop and the advantage of his judg-
ment, if not his clerical labor, in the office. Criti-
cism was not checked, nor was there a lessening of
assaults on Abraham Bishop and patronage evils.
Goodrich as a Federalist martyr was made professor
of law at Yale, elevated to the Coimcil, and on the
elder Bishop's death elected mayor of New Haven.**
The case was doubly important, as the first breach
in Connecticut Federalism, as the first glimpse
of democracy triumphant.
Abraham Bishop, the ''first consul," succeeded
his father as collector with fees of about $3,600."
The "steady, firm and unshaken Republican,"
Gideon Granger, was made Postmaster-General
with a $3,000 salary, but his duties at the capital
^Couranty Sept. 21, 1803.
» Bentlcy, Diary, III, 257; Couranl, Sept. 7, Oct. 12, 1803; Mercury,
Oct. 13, 1803.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 241
did not prevent a tour of his native state about
election time.*^ Alexander Wolcott was given
the Middletown coUectorship, worth close to $3,000
a year, in the place of "a violent, irritable, priest-
ridden, implacable, ferocious federalist," whose
removal Pierrepont Edwards advised. Madison in
181 1 nominated Wolcott for the Supreme Court,
but the Senate failed to confirm him.** Granger
remembered some of his friends with postmaster-
ships, among them Bishop's brother-in-law, Jona-
than Law of Hartford.*' Barlow was honored
with a French mission. Ephraim Kirby, a revenue
supervisor, was appointed a judge for Louisiana
territory, just prior to his death.*® Commissioner-
ships of bankruptcy furnished positions for twelve
men. Others were awarded government con-
tracts.'^ In all, a fairly extensive list could be
compiled.
Federalists found in the patronage a vulnerable
point, to be continually assaulted. The high
salaries of collectorships had a sinister look to a
"Courani, Nov. 16, 1801; June 28, 1802; Dexter, Biographical
Sketches, IV, 546 ff.
"Fish, Civil Service , pp. 33-34; Mercury , Aug. 20, 1801; Sept.
11, 18, 1806; Feb. 14, 1811; Courant, Feb. 13, 1811; Dexter, Biographical
Sketches, IV, 80-82.
'•New Haven, Litchfield, Durham, for instance. Granger was an
ardent spoilsman, being removed in 1814 for this reason. Courant,
Feb. 22, Nov. 22, 1802; Jan. 12, June 5, 1803; Adams, History of U. 5.,
VII, 399; Andrews, John Cotton Smith, p. 61.
*^ Mercury, July 16, 1801; Dec. 13, 1804.
^Courant, July 19, 1802; June 11, 1806; Mar. 16, 1808. The Con-
necticut Gazette counted nineteen men who were rewarded for "useful
labors.'' Then it must be remembered the extension of business meant
additional Republican postmasters, revenue offices, etc.
i^ — - -Whx
242 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
people whose governor and college president did
not receive a third as much. Parallel columns
of fees paid federal and local officials gave weight
to charges of federal corruption and extravagance.
Republican leaders were described as "a set of
office-holders and office-seekers, under the National
Government .... using every possible ex-
ertion to destroy this State."" They were rich
demagogues receiving fabulous salaries out of the
public treasury, riding in carriages, stirring up
class strife by wickedly deceiving the populace
in an attempt to gain control of the state. As
these attacks were not without effect, it would
seem that patronage was morally injurious to
Republican growth, even though it furnished the
sinews of party patriotism.
In the fall of 1801 a Republican list for assistants
was issued. An excuse was deemed necessary, so
it was suggested that President Dwight's clique
had secretly fathered a Federal-Republican list."
The Republican list included certain Federalists
of broad type, Williams, Samuel Johnson, and
Zephaniah Swift, an augury of the later Tolera-
tion party. While the Republican nomination was
bitterly assailed, it was eminently respectable,
some five being Revolutionary officers, another a
^Courant, Mar. 12, 1806. See: Courant, June 4, 11, 1806; July 3,
1811; Apr. 6, 1813. In 1809 Webster wrote to Madison that he would
do well by appointing religious men in Connecticut. Ford, Webster y
I, 529. II, 60 ff.
** Mercury, Sept. 17, 1801. The Middlesex Gazette had already
printed the Republican list. CouratUy Sept. 14. For the votes see:
Courant, Sept. 28, 1801; Mercury. Oct. 22, 1801.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 243
physician, and others lawyers. At the polls their
highest man, Granger, received a vote of 3,936
against 10,583 for Hillhouse. For Congress,
Granger polled 4,187 votes to 7,021 for Congress-
man Benjamin Tallmadge. In the Assembly forty
Republican representatives answered the roll.
Every office of importance was contested, so men
were bound to regard Republicanism as a party,
not a faction.
The year, 1802, gave to the opposition a platform
of local issues about which a determined fight could
be waged. Pointing to the Federalist stand-up
law, which was intended to strengthen the hold of
the Standing Order, Republicans were able to
set forth as their first principles the purity and
secrecy of elections and an extension of the suffrage.
This made an appeal to the sectarian, the farmer,
and mechanic, whose near ones were often "por-
poises," as well as to the non-voters whose in-
fluence might be of value. This tinkering with
the electoral machinery vitalized interest in the
question of whether or not the state had a con-
stitution. To Bishop belongs the credit of mak-
ing the lack of a written constitution a political
issue. Federalists were thrown on the defensive,
a political disadvantage of no mean importance.
Theodore Dwight in an oration before the Society
of Cincinnati, a supposedly non-partisan, patriotic
order, undertook a defense. He described the
constitution as unwritten, but resting its claims
on the permanence of a hundred and fifty years,
during which it had withstood every assault of
244 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
royal prerogative, revolution and faction. It was
a government based on the Charter of 1662, which
was "little more than a re-establishment of the
first constitution, with somewhat more explic-
itness," tested by long usage and experience.
D wight's oration was inspired. Henceforth be-
lief in the constitution was one of the "steady
habits," a political dogma to which every friend of
religion and morals must unquestioningly subscribe.
Elder John Leland in his sermons of 1801 and
1802 called for the abolition of the ecclesiastical
constitutions, and of compulsory religious sup-
port.'* He described the people of Connecticut as
politically ignorant, for "they have been trained
too much in the habit of trusting the concerns of
religion and policy to their rulers." He suggested
a constitutional convention, which he computed
would not cost more than five cents a head. Then
a printed constitution could be presented to every
freeman for a like sum. Hence for an expenditure
of ten cents per man, the state could have a con-
stitution and every freeman would be able to judge
whether this or that law was constitutional.
He exclaimed: What a saving in lawyer's fees!
If ever there should be a constitution, he hoped
that, "despite the deep rooted modes and habits,"
religious liberty would be granted. Yet he was
not sanguine, "considering the long accustomed
habits of Connecticut, the prejudices of the people,
and the present connection that exists between
religion and property — religion and honor — re-
** Sermon (1801), pp. 1-28; Dissenters' Strong Box, pp. 30-36.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCA N PARTY 245
ligion and education." With regard to the Federal-
ist contention that a constitution then existed,
he wrote:
The people of Connecticut have never been asked, by
those in authority, what form of government they would
choose; nor in fact, whether they would have any form at
all. For want of a specific constitution, the rulers nm
without bridle or bit, or anything to draw them up to the
ring-bolt. Should the legislature make a law, to perpetuate
themselves in office for Ufe; this law woidd immediately
become part of their constitution; and who would call them
to account therefor?
Leland thus brought the constitutional question
before the Baptist voters, who were led to see in
a written constitution the only hope of disestab-
lishment. Hence Republican success became a reli-
gious hope with them and with the Methodists who
were soon to fall into line.
'* Hancock" in an appeal to the Republican voters,
April, 1802, put the question squarely:
You exhibit to the world the rare and perhaps unprece-
dented example, of a people peaceably and quietly consent-
ing to be governed, without any compact which secures
rights to yourselves, or delegates powers to your rulers .
. . . I am ready to admit that you have been influenced
by a sacred regard for order and government, otherwise
you would not, ever since the American Revolution, have
consented to be governed by a charter given your ancestors
by a British King, and which since your independence has
separated you from Britain, has been imposed on you by
an act of a legislature not authorized to make the imposition."
He argued: Your legislators have been honest
in the past, but history teaches the story of aspir-
» Mercury, Apr. 8, 1802.
246 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
ing men, intoxicated with power. You have re-
elected them from force of habit, not because of
their proven worth, for there is no criterion of
their worth. There will be imperceptible increases
of power and gradual encroachments on the part
of your rulers, who will brand inquiry as licentious-
ness, innovation, or infidelity. He continued:
Let me ask you if a legislative majority of judges and
justices, has not by law provided that the poor man, who
trudged on foot his weary pilgrimage through life, should
do the same quantity of labour in the public roads as the
rich man; while the Justice or Judge, the Clergyman and
Physician who encumbered the highways with his Waggon's
six cattle team and pleasure Carriage, should bear no part
of the burden.
Why should not officials serve in the militia and
defend the state, of whose wealth they are the
chief holders? They have deprived you of an
independent judiciary and a free vote. He closed
wamingly :
You cannot be insensible that the work of a Connecticut
Legislator is an arduous, a weighty task. He has not only
to guard the people against themselves, but has also the
more difficult — the herculean labour of guarding the people
against himself. Having no Constitution to limit him, he
folds it necessary to be constantly on his guard against the
delusions of power and Ambition. He has to contend against
his most favorite wishes; his fondest hopes. When he finds
it in his power to gratify these hopes — when he finds no
check but in the elective voice of the people; and when he
finds this elective voice almost confined by law, to those
who have similar interests with himself — prudence deserts
her helm — ambition seizies it — and the rights of the people
are lost in the usurpation of the statesman.
The Republicans published their nomination
list, which they described as differing from the
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBLICAN PARTY 247
Federalist list, in that it included men of various
classes, professions and creeds.'* It was not a
Congregational lawyer's list nor restricted to the
Connecticut valley towns. Farmers as lovers of
economy were asked for support. Federalists
aroused, frantically called forth their non-active
freemen. The campaign, like its successors,
abounded in bitter recriminations, personal at-
tacks, and in newspaper controversies between pug-
naciously partisan editors.'^
The April, 1802, vote was large. The city of
Hartford was said to have cast its heaviest vote,
amounting to 8.2 per cent of the population.
Other towns did equally well. The total vote for
governor amounted to 15,891, with a majority for
Governor Trumbull of 6,875 over Ephraim Kirby.*»
About fifty-five Republican members were sent to
the Legislature, in spite of the new election law and
the failure of New Haven's Republican paper.
Not a man were the Republicans able to name on
^Mercury, Apr. 8. After this printed lists were usual. Issued
at first apologetically by the newspapers, they were soon made out in
party caucus and issued under the signature of the chairman, with an
appeal to the voters.
*^ An interesting controversy was that between Alexander Wolcott
and Senator Uriah Tracy, life-long friends made rabid enemies by poli-
tics. '^■) Senator Hillhouse, who joined in proclaiming Wolcott's
profligaCv', the latter wrote: "If I am a profligate man, to prove it will
not be dv.cult, nor to you an unpleasant task." Mercury^ Feb. 28,
Mar. 25 sud Aug. 19, 1802. The editor of the Mercury deprecated
attacks on Kirby, a man long honored by editors like the one in
Middletown, who excused libels on Republicans as "strokes of wit."
See CourarU, Aug. 16.
*• CourarU f Apr. 9; Mercury, May 20.
248 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
the assistants' list, despite their concentration of
votes. New London County, which had gone
Republican by a small majority in October, 1801,
was again Federalist. Small wonder that the
General Election was a gala day, and that Federalist
leaders and visiting clergy rejoiced in the failure
of the "disorganizers."
The fall election resulted in another contest, even
Hartford becoming so doubtful that the old order
confessedly were obliged to recruit voters. It was
estimated that between seventy and eighty Re-
publican representatives were elected, but the
number was exaggerated, for only fifty- three votes
were cast for Kirby for Senator against one hundred
and seventeen for James Hillhouse. The vote on
the assistants' nomination showed a marked Re-
publican increase, but a much larger Federalist
decrease.*' The Federalist problem was to hold
their voters to the polls lest, caught unawares, they
be defeated by a better directed minority.
On March 9, 1803, another Republican festival
was held at New Haven.*® Apparently the Walling-
ford gathering was regarded as a success in propa-
gating Republican principles and in winning votes.
Two dissenting elders conducted the religious ob-
servances. Pierrepont Edwards, chairman of the
Republican state committee, was the orator of
the day. At the banquet the usual toasts were
^Courant, Sept. 27, Nov. 8; Mercury, Sept. 23, Nov. 4, 1802.
^^ Mercury, Mar. 3, 17, 24, 1803; CourarU, Feb. 9, Mar. 16, Apr. 6,
1803.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBLICAN PARTY 249
heard.*^ The Courant admitted that about fifteen
hundred persons attended, but no fine ladies and
few men of worth, for the gathering was held in
contempt by merchants, sea captains, and re-
spectable mechanics. The bishop of the Protestant
Episcopal Church refused to attend, possibly, the
editor assured his readers, because he remembered
a prayer of his church: *Trom privy conspiracy
and sedition — Good Lord deliver us." The mere
fact that Bishop Jarvis was invited was in itself a
significant bid for Episcopalian support. It was to
be a forlorn hope for several years, partly because
of the aristocratic tendencies of this very bishop.
In answer to its rival's description of the assem-
blage as a ragged throng, the American Mercury
declared that those who sat on the stage alone
were worth more **than Dwight's whole corpora-
tion,'* by a hundred thousand dollars. This the
Courant agreed might well be; for the corporation
was made up of ministers of small means and mem-
bers of the Council who were elevated by the
people because of assured merit. The festival was
well advertised, thereby giving pronjinence to
democratic principles and occasioning more con-
troversial and personal attacks
The New Haven celebration opened the April
campaign. The extenson of the suffrage, which
had been defeated in the last session, the necessity
** "The State of Connecticut — May its' civil rights soon have con-
stitutional bounds — its professional men be confined within their limits,
and its courts be reduced from annual dependence on Suitors and
Advocates." Mercury^ Mar. 17.
250 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
of a constitution, the position of lawyers and
clergy, the extravagance of the local government,
and the unfair system of taxation were brought
before the people. Rev. Jonathan Bird denounced
things Republican in a sermon, only to find him-
self and his kind valiantly attacked by General
Hart. The author of the ** Porpoises'* articles,
supposedly Bishop, argued that taxation which
was in no way based on valuation, but upon the
century-old plan of dividing all property into
classes and did not include the newer forms of
wealth, was grossly unfair to the poor man. Yet
all attempts to revise the faulty system, such as
had been accomplished in Massachusetts, were
defeated by the special interests. That, he con-
tended, was bound to be the case while the state
contented itself with *'the unauthorized farce"
of a constitution under which perfect beings, but
not the frail men of the work-a-day world, might
live. His attack on lawyers must have lost force
in view of the published list of leading Republi-
cans who were bred to the law."
Both parties were determined to muster their
full strength. With a **stand-pat" program Fed-
eralists found it doubly hard. Yet they were able
to impress unthinking voters with the dangers
ahead. An anonymous address, probably by Noah
Webster, appealed for the re-election of the old
officers: ''Citizens of Connecticut! Will you also
add to the long list of republics basely ungrateful?"
Republicans urged the defeat of the enemies of
^ Mercury f Mar. 3, 31; Couranl, Apr. 6, 1803.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 251
the national government,^' the friends of Alien
and Sedition laws, of armies and navies. It was
pointed out that Republican economy had already
saved the voter enough so that he could afford the
monetary loss of attendance at the polls.
Party activity was attested by a record vote of
22,446 for governor, Trumbull receiving 14,375.
Yet, as it represented only a trifle less than nine
per cent of the population, the Republican con-
tention that a goodly proportion of residents were
non-freemen rather than inactive freemen, seems
close to the truth. About three-quarters of the
Legislature were Federalist and nearly four-fifths
of the towns. Only forty Republican representa-
tives were elected, and in every county save Tolland
their vote showed a decrease.^* Apparently the
Republican plan of districting the state and ap-
pointing district and town committees had failed.
They denied despondency, consoling themselves
with the reflection that they had forced the Federal-
ists to bring out in carriages their reserves of aged
men and invalids, and that they had driven parsons
to preach pulpit politics. Party life was indeed
bringing out the vote, Federalists exhorting men
by pointing out the hardships Washington used
** Daggett vigorously denied this in a review of the states* relations
with the national government since 1776. Address (1803). Cf. J. Q.
Adams*s charge that Senator Tracy and other ardent New England
Federalists looked toward separation; and denials in 1829 by James
Gould, James Hillhousc, John Cotton Smith, S. Baldwin, Col. Tallmadge
and Calvin Goddard. Henry Adams, Documents Relating to New Eng-
land Federalism^ pp. 93 flF., 342, 354 flf.
^ Courant, Apr. 20, May 18; Mercury, May 12, 19, 1803.
k : I — ■ -
252 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
to undergo to attend an election. As Fisher Ames
wrote to Theodore Dwight: **The best men among
the Federalists are forced out in self-defence, —
the immortals of the Persian army or sacred band
of Pelopidas."" General Election was a glorious
Federalist celebration, ministers even from the
neighboring states gathering to rejoice in the con-
stancy of Connecticut.**
The September campaign was less spirited.*'
A celebration in honor of the acquisition of Louisiana
had been held in August in Litchfield to instil
Republicanism into that county. The purchase,
from the financial rather than constitutional side,
was attacked by the Federalists, who saw corruption
in a vast expenditure for bogs, mountains and
Indians, which would cost Connecticut alone
$750,000.*' Republicans were taxed with inject-
ing the religious issue because they had supported
the Baptist petition, which sought a religious dis-
establishment. Senator Uriah Tracy issued a
manifesto in defense of the Council as the state's
true anchorage to Washingtonian principles, and in
condemnation of the Republican list as irrespon-
sible men secretly advanced.
A large vote was polled in September, 1803, the
assistants' nomination being lead by Goodrich,
« Fisher Ames, I, 335-336.
^•They were forced to admit that this cost the state $117.50, in the
face of Democratic charges. Courant, May 18, June 22, 1803.
*^ Alexander Wolcott's address to the freemen, and Burr*s visit to
confer with Generals Hart and Wilcox, were the noteworthy features.
CouratU, Sept. 14, 1803.
**Courant, June 1, Aug. 10, Sept 11, 1803.
MMMHKb.-.^,
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 253
with 11,438 votes to Asa Spalding's 6,815. For
the Assembly, Republicans claimed sixty-three
men, out of a total of two hundred and three."
At any rate the opposition party had no reason
to be downhearted.
The spring elections of 1804 proved most un-
satisfactory to the Federalists. A dropping off
of a fifth in the vote struck the Federalists es-
pecially hard, so that Trumbull's majority was
less by about twenty-three hundred. Seventy-
eight Republican representatives were elected,
from forty-seven towns. Apparently the Federalist
appeal against the Virginian rule supported by
discontented persons and foreigners had lost force.
Jefferson's administration, by its moderation and
prosperity, made absurd the old fears with which
Federalism inspired its adherents. As the Inde-
pendent Chronicle reviewed the situation: **In Con-
necticut truth and reason are pervading the mass
of the people. A hallowed jealousy is shaking
their bigoted assemblies and the pontifical chair
of the clergy totters beneath them."'®
In honor of the Louisiana purchase, a Republican
celebration was held at Hartford, May 11, 1804."
All of the leaders were present at the banquet to
hear Abraham Bishop discuss the state's constitu-
^* Spalding was a graduate of Yale and the Litchfield Law School,
and a prominent lawyer of Norwich. At the time of his death, 1811,
he was about the wealthiest man in the eastern counties. Pease and
Niles, GazeiUer, p. 149; Mercury, Aug. 22, 29, Oct. 20, 1811.
•®In Couraniy Mar. 15. See Conn. Herald, June 12; Mercury, Apr.
19, 26, May 7, 24; Courant, Apr. 4, May 16, 1804.
" Mercury, Apr. 12, May 17, 1804; Trumbull, Historical Notes, p. 25.
.•^•ju- - -^^iri J** T-
254 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
tional history. He contended that in practice the
lack of a popularly constituted government had
resulted in the concentration of all power in the
hands of the Council, or rather in the hands of
seven lawyers, who made up a working majority
of that body. He dwelt upon the dependence of
the courts and impressed his audience with the
view that Federalism and reaction could not pre-
vail under the changes which a constitution would
bring about. Bishop suggested: **That the people
be convened to form a constitution which shall
separate the legislative^ executive and judicial powers,
— shall define the qualifications of freemen, so that
legislators shall not tamper with election laws, and
shall district the state so that freemen may judge of
the candidates for their suffrages.''
This idea met with such immediate favor, that
the general committee published his speech as a
campaign document. Connecticut was described
as an ''elective despotism or rather elective aris-
tocracy."" Bishop did not originate the idea of
calling a convention, but he realized its political
value. While not of a creative mind, he was an
astute politician. As a matter of state welfare
it was regrettable that the constitutional question
had become political ; but from the purely Republi-
can standpoint, the merger was a master's stroke.
The New Haven meeting, August 29, 1804,
marked a milestone in Republican affairs.^' A
" Mercury, Aug. 16, 1804.
"For an account of the convention: Mercury, Aug. 9, Sept. 6;
Courant, Aug. 22; Trumbull, Historical Notes, p. 27; Lamed, Windham
County, n, 223; Church Ms.; Judd's Address.
■' ■■' "^ f^' - iamtmmSatmm^ai^mmH^mmmmm^^m^mmmm^mam^a^mtmaSi^^
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 255
call had been sent out by a general committee of
Republicans, headed by Pierrepont Edwards, which
declared that the state was without a constitution
and that obviously change would not originate
with those in power, for rulers will not willingly
diminish their own powers. There need be no
alarm, it was said, for the intention was simply
to advance the movement for a written constitu-
tion, setting forth principles of right government,
favoring no class or party, guaranteeing equal
privileges to all, and preventing the present con-
centration of power. Delegates chosen by demo-
cratic caucuses in ninety-seven towns took seats
in this somewhat irregular convention. This body
affords an excellent example of a political convention
drawing up a platform. William Judd was named
chairman of this secretly conducted gathering.
Resolutions were passed that, as the state was
without a constitution, an address should be
drafted and widely published, advising **that it is
expedient to take measures preparatory to the for-
mation of a constitution." Henceforth the calling
of a convention became the cardinal Republican
plank.
The address to the freemen commenced with the
usual platitudes, that all men are created equal,
that certain natural rights are inalienable, and that
government should be grounded in the consent
of the governed." Since 1776, when the Legisla-
ture usurped the people's sovereignty, there was
** Mercury^ Sept. 6. It was printed as a handbill for free distribu-
tion. Trumbidl, Historical Notes, p. 28.
256 COSSECTiCUT IS TRASSJTIOX: 1775-1911
no law that any legislature could not re\'oke. All
the other states, save Rhode Island, had drawn up
constitutions, and the four new states had done like-
wise. E\ndently it was not a question of party poli-
tics, but a universal deare to secure in a written
contract the results of the Re\'olution. These ccm-
stitutions did not violate existing pri\'ileges. but
defined civil and religious rights, separated the
powers of government, limited the departments,
and established in the people the power of amend-
ment. To allow a l^slature to rule, bound only
by its own pleasure, was dangerous folly. With
a constitution, one religious denomination could not
bind another, nor the legislative branch of govern-
ment make dependent the judiciary; nor could
suffrage privileges be curtailed. If ever>'thing
has gone well and all is secure, then let the voice
of the people maintain the present establishment.
To Republicans, the majority [>arty in the nation,
it seemed "that the government appeared to favor
the ruling class, to tend toward aristocracy and
the embarrassment of democracy, to oppose the
central government, support a prejudiced judiciary,
and to concentrate all powers in the face of warn-
ing precedents." In times of party strife a con-
stitution is invaluable, for whichever party is in
control ^^ill use its position to hinder the opposition.
Nor was there any danger of a party constitution,
even though parties were not actually balanced,
for reliance can be placed in the good sense of the
people. They 'will see that: '*It will not be an in-
strument full of innovations, nor will it be a de-
mm
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 257
parture from what the experience of other states
and of our own has proved to be useful. You
will have no new experiments to try; all this busi-
ness has been made intelligible in our country as
the art of ship-building." Let all men consider
the question and vote accordingly. Let the people
assert themselves and provide a constitutional
government based on their needs and the experience
of sister states or at least themselves re-establish
the charter of Charles IL
The New Haven Address surcharged the air
with the constitutional question. Newspapers
prior to the freemen's meeting emphasized the
arguments for or against the constitution, almost
to the exclusion of other news. Federalists pic-
tured the danger of change: to repeal the age-
sanctified institutions of the fathers would be dis-
graceful. Connecticut was the oldest republic.
Its foundation lay in popular election. Innova-
tion was but a plan of the Virginians to overthrow
a last obstacle to their universal sway. The con-
stitution was the people's, for through their elected
Legislature they had sanctioned the Charter, which
was royal only in name. Even the judiciary
found supporters. In practice it was not so de-
pendent and after all it was a dependence upon
the people.
On the eve of the September election, 1804,
David Daggett anonymously replied to this Ad-
dress in a pamphlet entitled Count the Cost,^
» Address (1804), pp. 1-5, 9-13, 17-21; Trumbull. Historical Notes.
p. 7S.
258 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
He knew the spirit of his people, and selected his
title and arguments accordingly. Will the change
of government be worth the cost? The writer
claimed that he had no desire for office, but only
for good government, intimating that such was
not the case with those whom he challenged. He
dwelt at length upon the diffusion of knowledge,
the support of religion, schools, colleges and libraries,
the mild laws, the beneficent influence of the
clergy, anything but the issue at hand. All of
these would fall before the violence of party, before
office-seeking demagogues, the dethroners of re-
ligion and morals. This "mischievous and alarm-
ing project" of a new constitution was a Jacobinical
plot. Eloquently he pictured the French Revo-
lution at its worst, suggesting that human nature
was everywhere alike. * 'Jacobinism* * in sister states
should cause wise men and property owners to
hesitate. His was a strong plea to a conservative
people. The small farmer, whose knowledge and
outlook on life were bounded by his own stone
fences, cowered before the warning cry of ** Count
the Cost."
The appeal was effective. Still its tone was un-
fortimate and hardly excusable even when judged
according to the blindly partisan standards of the
time. Bishop's charges were similarly over-em-
phasized and often unkindly personal, but they
were at least over his own signature. In palliation
it must be recalled that the Republicans had a
positive platform with real abuses to remedy and
reforms to initiate, while the Federalist leaders
m
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PA RTY 259
were maintaining a difficult defensive. In this
form the question was submitted to the voters.
The party lines were so sharply drawn that when
a freeman cast a Republican ballot he knew that
he was voting for a written constitution and vice
versa.
The autumn election was interesting as a de-
cisive test of strength. The hardest fight was
made to elect representatives, for in them lay vic-
tory or defeat for the constitution. With a secret
ballot, it would have been a true referendum.
The vote was large: Hillhouse headed the Federal
list of assistants with 12,348, and J. Bull the Re-
publican, with 7,920. In the Assembly the "Vir-
ginians," as the Republicans were derisively termed,
had sixty-three members, a falling-off of fifteen.
Fairfield County, which in the spring had been
Democratic by a fair majority, was only saved to
the party by thirty-seven votes. New Haven
County slipped into the Federalist column with
only a hundred and sixty-five votes to spare.
The freemen had decided at the polls on their
"coronation day."'* That the Federalists were
willing to accept the fruits of victory, was shown
in their treatment of the five justices.
The justices' case came as an aftermath of the
convention at New Haven. Among those who
joined in the declaration, that Connecticut had
no constitution, were five justices of the peace, of
whom Attorney William Judd was the only man
■•For votes, Mercury, Sept. 13, Nov. 1; Courant, Sept, 26, Oct. 1,
1804.
260 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
of importance.'^ His case was aggravated, in that
he had acted as chairman of the meeting. A
veteran of the Revolution, he was long a magis-
trate, and for years represented Farmington. That
Connecticut had a constitution, was part of the
Federalist Bible. Hence the General Assembly,
seeing its prestige attacked, determined to punish
the justices who alone could be reached. The
Council declared that for justices to subscribe to
the view that the constitution of the state was
null and void and continue in office was highly
improper. The matter was then taken up by the
Assembly, which ordered them before its bar by
a strictly partisan vote of 125 to 43. David
Daggett and Asher Miller were instructed to look
up the precedents.
Daggett led in the prosecution, arraigning as a
trumpet-call of sedition the New Haven appeal ad-
dressed to the people instead of to the legitimate au-
thorities.'* The Charter of Connecticut was above
the king and independent of England's existence.
The Federal government simply took the crown's
place. The General Assembly in 1776 was com-
posed of men versed in the laws and customs, who
were intent on perpetuating the constitution by
passing a formal declaration to that effect. Re-
publicans have deduced no proof that in the
Assembly of 1786 the existence of a constitution
*' Jabez Tomlinson and Agur Judson of Stratford, Hezekiah Good-
rich of Chatham, and Nathaniel Wanning of Windham.
••Based on Church Ms.; Mercury ^ Nov. 15, 22, Dec. 6; Courant,
Dec. 19, 1804.
■ w" • ■« <■■■ " ■ T^ 'mmmAmtmmStmmmfi^ifamJimmmmmmmmt^miSi^^mmBmm^mimmtmti^^mmt'm^SA
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 261
wnas questioned; yet if such was the case, it was
done in a legal, not a seditious manner. Dag-
gett here was guilty of cunning reasoning, even if
he did not consciously warp the truth. He de-
manded that the commissions of the justices should
be revoked and committed to men who acknowl-
edged and cherished the government of Connecticut.
Pierrepont Edwards while conducting the defense
was interrupted by General Hart, who observed
that argument would be unavailing, as the majority
had the will and power to pass the measure. On
being called to order by Daggett, Hart intimated
that he trusted that men might talk or at least
think freely in the House. His mention of parties
need cause no stir, he added, for party lines are as
distinctly marked as county boundaries. There-
upon, Daggett and Holmes called for his reprimand,
which was given, the sense of the House being taken.
The Hart affair attracted considerable attention
as proof of Federalist tyranny and its strangle-hold
upon the state.
The commissions were finally revoked by a
partisan vote of 123 to 56. A minority protest
signed by twenty-four of the bolder Republicans
sustained the justices, pointing out that they knew
of no constitution, nor do thousands of our citi-
zens. The records have been examined in vain,
if the term means the same as in other states. A
constitution can only be formed by the people.
That the government was legal they did not deny.
If the compact of 1639, the royal Charter, and the
provisional revolutionary government, all sub-
262 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: mS-181S
ject to legislative changes, were to be considered
the constitution, then the justices were uTong.
This would be preposterous in a republic, though
it holds in England or on the continent.
Judd died shortly aften^^ard, leaving a manu-
script defense, which some of his friends saw
through the press." He wrote that they —
Did not mean to declare, as has been unjustly charged
upon us, that this state is without a governmefU, or that
the government of this State is an usurped gavernmeni; for
we hold that a constitution and a government are two
distinct things.
All states have governments, he declared, but
few have constitutions. Blackstone might describe
the English government as a constitution, but he
believed with Washington that in America a con-
stitution emanated from the people and "that no
act or instrument deserves the name of a constitu-
tion, unless it be adopted by this supreme power
. . . . vested in the people." As a constitu-
tion should define and limit the powers of govern-
ment, it should be as far above the statutory laws
as the laws are above the people. For years it
•• Mercury t Nov. 29, 1804; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer , pp. 73-74.
Ten thousand copies were printed for circulation. Simeon Baldwin
wrote from Washington, Nov. 26, 1804, to Daggett: "You may
depend upon it much b calculated here from that event and that ad-
dress .... it b considered as an artful thing and we do not
know to whom to impute it .... we know it was not Judd's
. . . . some of it we impute to Bishop, but we do not own him
the author of the whole, we think it more artfully and guardedly done
than hb writings usuaUy are. Our friends here are alarmed for the
steady habits of Connecticut. Do relieve our anxiety and let us know
the effect" Ms. Letter, Yale University Libraiy.
iii
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 263
has been doubted even by legislators whether
Connecticut had a constitution. Recently Feder-
alists have dug up the compact of 1639, on seeing
that the regal Charter and statutory law would
not satisfy the people, but overlooked the fact
that New Haven had no share in that instrument.
We have no constitution, he argued, as Federal-
ists well know, with their artful cant about pious
ancestors, the destruction of land titles, marriage
contracts, and French Jacobinism. He then cited
Hamilton and Montesquieu as witnesses of the
danger o^ a tyranny where all powers of govern-
ment are alike centered in one body. The Coun-
cil's negative gave it full control over all judges
and justices, who, to make matters worse, were
often representatives, thus giving the Council a
powerful influence over the Assembly. He gave
statistics to prove that three quarters of the late
representatives came under the Council's patron-
age list. The election law originated in the Coun-
cil and was enforced in town meeting by the
magistrate. Even the Lower House, he thought,
needed a constitution to guarantee its own rights.
Again, if the sUpreme power lay in the people in
1639, why not at the present time? There never
could be a better time to discuss the question,
for all was in a state of peace and prosperity.
As a last stroke, he appealed to the sovereign
people, if their servants should be impeached for
addressing them upon a matter of vital, public
interest. His arguments were telling, appealing
in moderate language to the common sense of
264 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
the electorate. Their effectiveness was increased
by an appended sketch which recounted his patri-
otic service, honest loyalty to the people and the
harsh treatment of a malicious majority, which
drove him sorrowing to the grave.
Judd became a Republican martyr. His mem-
ory was toasted and his courage extolled, along
with the living justices. Their trial was contrasted
with the fairness of that of Judge Chase, who was
not prosecuted and tried by the same men. Here
was the weightiest proof that a constitution was
needed as a safeguard against a party bent only
on perpetuating its power, by keeping the people
under the yoke of a royal charter. Judd had
fought in vain a seven-years' war against tyranny,
it was remarked, only to succumb, still fighting
the people's battle against the laws of the king's
charter. The partisan character of the courts was
demonstrated. Republicans were not wanted as
Connecticut's magistrates.*®
The four justices were happily vindicated by
their constituencies, all being elected to the next
Legislature. Federalists unable to defend their
course laughed at the distinction between a govern-
ment and a constitution, and cast doubts on the
authorship of the Judd defense. They required
no justification, for they were a governing majority.
••Church Ms.; National Intelligencer ^ articles in Mercury^ Nov. 15,
Dec. 27. The Couranty Nov. 14, found it necessary to take the National
Intelligencer to task for its interfering interest. Cases of justices
guilty of heinous offenses, but yet in office, were cited. Mercury^ Nov.
15, 1804. See also Mercury, May 23, 1805.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBLICAN PARTY 265
The constitutional agitation was not allowed to
die down. ''Numa," in a series of about fifteen
articles printed in the American Mercury through
the fall of 1804 and the following spring, thoroughly
treated the whole question. '^ The compact of 1639
had been pressed into service as the necessity of
grounding the ancient government in the people
was recognized. The limitation of this pact with
its exclusion of New Haven, Numa demonstrated,
even making use of Trumbull's History. He then
sketched the history of New Haven, the blue laws
(which Republicans liked to recall), and the grant-
ing of the Charter by Charles H.
In answer to his own query as to where one would
find the constitution, the pamphleteer noted that
there were many differences between the govern-
ing institutions and those provided for in the
Charter. If the Charter had been modified, the
constitution must be a combination of Charter,
usages and law. What is a constitution and how
does it differ from a law? In this country it has
a well-known signification. It is not a govern-
ment, for countries like Turkey, Algiers and Russia
have government enough, but no constitution.
The mere fact that men, in order to become citizens,
took an oath to support the constitution, he con-
sidered no proof of their acquiescence or belief
in the ''constitution." Let the people see the
constitution in print or make clear the mystical
means by which the constitutional laws, customs
^ Series commences in Mercury^ Oct. 18, 1804.
266 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
and usages may be known. Citizens sustaining such
a reputation for intelligence must soon learn that
there is no constitution like those of other states
or that of the national government. A constitu-
tion, he wrote:
Is an instrument framed and adopted by the supreme
power of the State (which in all popular States is the people
themselves), defining the great principles on which society
is formed, and in conformity to which it is to be govemed,
establishing the various departments of government and
circumscribing by well defined and distinct limits the powers
and fimctions of those departments respectively.**
A despotism, he stated, would evolve unless
rulers were limited by a written constitution,
which would enable a vigilant and intelligent
people to know when their liberties were being
infringed upon. Otherwise they could not guard
against encroachments any more than a farmer
without landmarks. The erection of courts and
defining of suffrage qualifications he described as
a legislative usurpation. Yet without a constitu-
tion there could be no legal check save revolution
as a last resort.
The chief obstacle in the way of a constitutional
convention, he wrote, came from the propagation
of falsehoods by ministers, magistrates, and law-
yers.*' They argued that, if it is admitted that
no constitution exists, then the government will
be a usurpation and all deeds, contracts, writs and
marriages since the Revolution would be illegal.
Such was not the case in the other states which
^Mercury, Feb. 21, 1805.
^Ibid., Mar. 2U 1805.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 267
were all temporarily without constitutions. Only
the ignorant could be so imposed upon. If true,
no better arguments for expediting the creation
of a legal government could be adduced. The
root of the whole difficulty, he diagnosed, as the
popular, slavish awe for clergy and magistrates,
founded not on their moral or mental superiority,
but on the steady habits of bigotry and credulity.
Their objection to the framing of a constitution
in the midst of violent political factiousness, he
swept aside, with the logical answer that the dis-
turbance was chiefly over this very issue and could
thus be quieted.
The Democratic appeal to voters was skilfully
framed. After demonstrating the weakness of
the present system of government, it was charged
that those who cry out against innovation were
the first slyly to change the institutions of the
fathers. They had limited the freedom of suffrage
and imperiled the purity of elections. Freemen
were warned to remember that "The Legislator
and the Minister of Justice may be as fatal to
liberty, as have been the Conquerors of the world;
and the doors to the temple of freedom, as strongly
barricaded by commissions of peace officers, as
by the bayonets of Soldiers. "•*
A Democratic investigator found an essay by
''Hambden" in the Middlesex Gazette, September,
1792, which argued that Connecticut was without
a constitution.** This was reprinted in the Ameri-
«/Wrf., Mar. 21, 1805.
•Ibid., Apr. 4, 1805.
266 CONNECTICUT IW TRANSITION: 1775-1818
can Mercury as proof that one was not alii^'a3r5
regarded as a heresiarch, who believed with Judd
that there was no constitution. Connecticut Re-
publicans n^'ere on the whole moderate, and less
impassioned than one would expect. Few n^-ould
attempt to develop the thesis that, while in struc-
ture Connecticut was the most republican of states,
in practice it was as little republican as Turkey.
Yet such was the view of a neighboring journal .••
A pamphlet, Steady Habits Vindicated, sup-
posedly by Daggett, appeared just prior to the
April election. Attention was called to the ex-
cellence of the present government. It was ancient,
and as free a system as "can exist among fallen
men," for the elective principle made the Assembly
responsible. It was as plainly understood as if the
forms were committed to writing. He feared that
"If a long constitution, on paper, were adopted,
many years and even an age or two might pass
away before the common people would under-
stand all its niceties, as well as they understand
the plain old form under which they and their
fathers lived." It was an economical system;
official salaries were hardly enough for decent
support. Daggett commented:
It is an alarming circumstance that the men who are fore-
most in attempts to overthrow this government are hold-
ing offices from the executive of the United States, and are
receiving from thence, each of them, a yeariy emclument
more than twice as great as you allow your gox-emor. Is
there a secret imderstanding between them and their em-
••Mercury, Oct 18, 1804.
dl
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 269
ployers at the City of Washington? Has the destruction
of your state government, by private agreement, been made
a part of their oflSces? Why are the officers and servants
of another government engaged, with a furious zeal, to
subvert the institutions of this state? Why have your
civil officers and your government been reviled and de-
nounced in the official newspaper at the seat of the national
government? Why has it been threatened that Connecti-
cut shall have a constitution imposed on her by the power
of the union? There is no wish to excite groundless sus-
picions; but when the dearest interests of the public are
at stake, a degree of jealousy is a virtue and should be
awake, especially when there is an appearance of foreign
interference and influence The class of men like
Bishop and Alexander Wolcott, who strive to destroy the
state, are unworthy of any trust or respect. They question
the legality of our government comparing the people under
it to the slaves of the South.
Beware of men [he warned] whose desperate circum-
stances, whose profligacy of character, whose hatred of
the christian religion and whose inordinate ambition, render
them turbulent, under the disguise of a flaming zeal for
the public interest. Have all men until Bishop been too ig-
norant not to realize that there was no constitution? . . . .
You have not indeed a fine spiin constitution, spread over
abimdance of paper, and consisting of divers chapters and
sections and of numerous articles and nice definitions.
But you have a plain simple constitution, consisting of a
few most important articles or principles, and these are
known to the great community as well as a farmer knows
his land marks It was originally framed and
adopted by the people .... more than almost any
other government upon earth, it is the legUimaie child of the
people^ who have hitherto constantly nursed it and cleaved
to it with affectionate attachment; and whenever the people
(far off be the day) shall cease to give it their voluntary assent
and support, it must instantly fall .... How foolish
is it then to expect that your government, which by long
use and by reason of the remarkable simpUcity of its nature
is now plain to common understanding, would become
plainer by a new constitution, spun out into scores of nice
articles, which even learned and honest men might under-
270 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Stand differently, and which cunning knaves would in-
terpret as might best suit their own ambitious purposes.
Connecticut, he counseled, not the central govern-
ment, protected you during the Revolution. A
new government would seem strange; would be
more expensive, with higher salaries and more
offices ; would be less responsible to the people ; and
would inevitably mean a change in the habits,
manners and customs of the people. Daggett was
begging the question. If this was his honest
opinion, it was in conflict with his later views.
For as Chief Justice he admitted that the old con-
stitution ''gave very extensive powers to the legis-
lature, and left too much (for it left everything al-
most) to their will."'^
The April election of 1805 was again fought over
the question of a constitution. The Republicans
made telling use of the figures 162 to 14, laughing
at the alliance of little Delaware and Connecti-
cut, and advising freemen to stand with the major-
ity of the nation. The Federalists appealed to
all friends of the state government. Trumbull
received 12,700 to Hart's 7,810 votes. Of the
representatives, in whom was seen the true political
barometer, one hundred and twenty-four were
Federalists and sixty-eight Republicans.*' The
eastern counties were fairly evenly divided; Fair-
field was overwhelmingly Republican; andthe Con-
•^ stair w. Pease, 8ih Conn, Repi,, p. 548; Trumbull, UisUmcal
Notes, p. 30.
** Mercury, Dec. 11, 1804; May 16, 1805; Courant, Apr. 17, May
15, 1805.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 271
necticut Valley counties and Litchfield were pre-
ponderatingly conservative. Towns of wealth were
Federalist, while the liberal towns were those in
which dissent was a force.
Political agitation continued during the summer.*'
The Norwich True Republican saw an engine of
Federalism in the banks and turnpike companies.
The Hartford Courant hotly took issue with asser-
tions that **the power had never been with the
people," or that there was a union of church and
state. Federalist praise of the unwritten British
constitution aroused the minority almost as much
as the recent defeat, by 126 to 66, of the Stoning-
ton representative's resolution calling for a con-
stitutional convention. Fourth-of-July celebra-
tions afforded splendid opportunities for partisan
orators. A Republican, expatiating upon the need
of a constitution, defined organic and statutory
law: 'The one is made by the people, and for the
government and control of the legislature, and the
other is the off-spring of the legislature itself."^®
^* Courant, June 19, July 17; Mercury, June 20, 1805.
^« Yale Collection of Fourth of July Orations, III, 3. Typical
toasts: "State of Connecticut — May she, like her sister States, form
constitutional barriers against the exercise of inordinate power." Mer-
cury, June 6. "The Charter of Connecticut — ^The gift of a king, sup-
ported by the same cloth." Ibid., Aug. 29. "Constitution — None in
Connecticut, may her honest citizens ere long, be strangers to a
legislature that acts without control." Ibid., Sept. 5. "Consti-
tution of Connecticut — ^Anything or nothing;" "the mere creature of
the Legislature, — ^May it soon be exchanged for something which will
secure the rights of the people." Ibid., Mar. 7. "The State of Con-
necticut — ^May she soon acquire a Constitution of too much health
and vigor to be shaken by the fevers of ambition, or the agues of
272 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
George Stanley, in a well thought-out address,
contributed some new ideas: '*The constitution of
this state, and her citizens have grown together.
Each seems fitted for the other. Speculative men
may in their closets form constitutions nicely
balanced and proportioned; but the experience of
others affords reason to fear, that like many curious
inventions of modem times, they will not go.""
Another writer attempted to demonstrate that
Connecticut was more democratic than other
states, because of the frequency of elections, short
terms of office, ''the mediocrity in wealth," and a
suffrage as liberal as that of Virginia."
The September election duplicated the spring
figures. Elizur Goodrich stood at the head of the
list with 11,162 votes, while the Republican, Elisha
Hyde, polled 7,852 votes. About sixty-one Re-
publicans were elected to the Assembly." The
fight for and against the constitution was con-
t,inued, but less was written, and that merely a
repetition of old arguments. Federalists accused
the Republicans of trying through the national
administration to silence inquiry by throttling
the press.
ignorance." Ihid.^ Sept. 15. "The State of Connecticut — By the
united exertions of the sons of freedom, she will soon emerge from the
darkness of Federalism, leaving the old Charter of King Charles 2nd,
and shine forth in the light of Republicanism, with a written consti-
tution of civil government, formed by the people." Ihid.^ July 25.
"Floating to and fro on the tempestuous sea of passion, without Rud-
der or Compass — May we soon hear of her safe arrival at Port Consti-
tution." Ibid., July 11.
" Address, Aug. 8, 1805, pp. 16-17.
^Courant, July 31, 1805.
^ Ibid., Oct. 23; Mercury, Oct. 31, 1805.
ii -ULlTJ i
RISE OP THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 273
A political scandal was created by a letter from
Alexander Wolcott to his appointee in Middlesex
County.^* It was observed: ''The Federalists have
priests and deacons, judges and justices, sheriffs
and surveyors, with a host of corporations and
privileged orders, to aid their elections. Let it
be shown that plain men, without titles or hope of
offices, can do better than the mercenary troops
of Federalism." The object was to centralize the
party. Under the state manager there were to
be county leaders directly responsible to and re-
movable by the state manager. Likewise there
were to be town, city, and district managers sub-
ject to the county leader. A canvass was to be
made of the various towns, so that the exact number
of freemen, of tax payers, of Federalists, of Republi-
cans, and of neutrals would be known. Reports
were to be submitted to the central leader of all
hinderances and undue influence at the polls, of
political sermons, false returns and other question-
able Federalist tricks. '*A majority," the letter
continued, "can relax its exertions occasionally
without hazard: a minority must exercise its full
strength constantly." Local leaders were to aid
Republicans through the intricate process of be-
coming freemen to scrutinize all objections, urge
their men to the polls, note the absent and those
not voting. A modem reader is only surprised at
the perfection of the plan, but Federalists were
shocked.
'< Caurani, Mar. 12, 1806.
"iiil
274 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
It was *'a conspiracy, active, daring and wicked,
in the midst of the State for the destruction of our
Government;" it was a 'Tapal Bull." Wolcott,
Bishop and General Wilcox were arrogating to
themselves a despotic power over the freemen and
their electoral rights. They were national office-
holders, organizing like Jacobins to destroy their
native commonwealth.^* The Republican mani-
festoes to town managers advised open electioneer-
ing, for secrecy would only mean the temporary
success of a stolen march. ^* Their organization
was defended as necessary to contend against an
organized aristocracy by which the party of nine-
tenths of the union has long been slandered.
The April election (1806) saw the heaviest vote
ever cast and one not to be duplicated for some
time. Trumbull received 13,413 votes and General
Hart 9,460 — by far the greatest Republican poll.
The Republicans were fortunate to have in Hart for
the head of their ticket a military hero hallowed,
like Kirby, by the Revolutionary legend. Wolcott's
organization had worked efficiently. His estimate
of the relative strength of the parties as eight to
eleven had almost exactly anticipated the actual
figures. No better demonstration of his ability
as a ''boss" could be demanded. The Federalists,
on the other hand, greatly overestimated their
strength of 20,000. Seventy-two Republicans were
elected as representatives, six short of their high
^ Middlesex Gazette in Courant, Mar. 19; Courant, Mar. 26, Apr. 2,
May 26, 1806.
'• Mercury, Mar. 20, 1806.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REFUBUCAN PARTY 275
level of 1804. Even the city of Hartford elected
Republican officials. ^^
Republicans grieved at their failure to reach
the farmer. They accounted for the apathy of this
class by the observation that the farmers had little
time for reading papers and saw few persons save
Federalist clerics and justices, who imposed on
their religious credulity. Recognizing their lament-
able weakness in Litchfield County, they planned
to carry their principles into this citadel of. con-
servatism by holding in the town of Litchfield
what came to be known as the Sixth-of-August
Festival.^®
Litchfield had a riotous day. The great con-
course of Republicans listened to a short prayer
and a spirited address by Jonathan Law. In pro-
cession they visited the jail where editor Selleck
Osborne of the Litchfield Witness was incarcer-
ated. On conviction of libel, he refused to pay
a fine, preferring to assume the r61e of a martyr
to free speech and the Jeffreys-like justice of a
^^ Election statistics in Caurani, Apr. 2, 16; Mercury y Apr. 3, 1806.
In May of this year Noah Webster received a letter from his wife in
New Haven: "Democracy has increased sadly in this state. I fear
Dr. Dwight was right in despairing as he did the other evening he
passed with you." Ford, Wehster^ II, 3-4. Rev. William Lyman in
the election sermon preached: "Against the wisest measures and most
salutary laws, the enemies of order and government may ....
unite and clamor. Such combinations of infuriated men must have
their seasons and their cause. Though success attend their exertions
they will not long enjoy the triumph."
''^Mercury, Aug. 14, 21, Sept. 11, 18, 1806. A bitterly distorted
account was printed anonymously as "The Sixth of August." Yale
Pamphlets, Vol, 1554, No. 10.
276 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-18J8
Federalist judge and packed jury.^' To Feder-
alists this was a *'most signal exhibition of the
rage of democracy." An incident which resulted
in a newspaper controversy unfortunately marred
the celebration and hurt Democratic prospects.
The aged Congregational minister, being of a pry-
ing disposition, sought entrance into the hall and
apparently was roughly jostled. Robbins described
the whole affair as in the interests of revolution.'®
Federalist bitterness at this invasion turned
to exultation when, at the September election,
Litchfield, the greatly over-represented county,
returned thirty-nine Federalists and not a solitary
Democrat. In the remainder of the state sixty-
one Republicans were chosen. Jabez Fitch polled
a few over 10,000 votes for assistant, while Matthew
Griswold, the leading Federalist, received 13,421
votes. A writer who styled himself ''Seventy-six"
called on all men to rejoice at the success of the
godly party of the fathers, be they Baptists, Epis-
copalians, Methodists, Republicans or Democrats.*'
The year 1807 was quiet. The vote for governor
fell off by about four thousand, the loss being
equally divided between both parties. In the Legis-
lature their relative strength remained the same.**
Fourth of July was celebrated with unusual cor-
diality because of the Chesapeake crisis. Strife
^* Judge Church saw in this conviction and that of Phelps at Hart-
ford and Lawyer Ball of Danbury, the English method of crushing
out a revolt.
w Diary, I, 296.
« CourafU, Sept. 24, Oct. 8, 29, 1806; Mercury, Oct. 30, 1806.
•* Courant, Apr. 8; MefcUry, Apr. 2, 9, 1807.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 277
was again aroused by the federal prosecution of
Rev. Azel Backus for a libelous attack upon Jef-
ferson. As Pierrepont Edwards was the federal
district judge and Alexander Wolcott the prosecu-
tor, charges of partiality did not lack color."
Federalists exerted themselves in the fall lest the
apathy of their voters might mean an opposition
surprise. Connecticut's constancy was their glory,
for she alone of the New England states had never
fallen. It was recalled that Samson was lost when
he slept. Nevertheless little enthusiasm was aroused,
the assistants' list showing a decrease of five thous-
and votes and the Republicans electing seventy-
five representatives.**
The Embargo was the real issue in 1808.** In
•» Couranty Sept. 30, 1807. "A Letter to the President ....
touching the Prosecutions under his patronage before the Circuit Court"
by Chatham (1808), supposedly Webster, charged that the marshal,
Gen. Joseph Wilcox, packed the jury. Bills had been returned against
Judge Reeve and Thaddeus Osgood, and Thomas Collier, a Litchfield
printer, in 1805, and against Hudson and Goodwin of the Couranl in
1807. About this time Rev. David McClure confided to his diary:
"Democracy in Connecticut is more of an immoral and disorganizing
character than in other States." Dexter, Diary of Dr, David McClure^
p. 178.
**Chauncey Goodrich and Jabez Fitch headed the respective lists
with 10,185 and 7,524 votes. The Republican candidate for the Senate
received 75 votes in the Lower House. CouratU, Oct 21; Mercury,
Oct. 25, Nov. 5, 1807.
w Senator Hillhouse wrote to Webster, Mar. 22, 1808, that the Con-
necticut delegation, imited in their opposition, did not care to address
formally their state, nor did they believe it effective. Even his letter
was not to be made public unless that course was approved by Dwight,
Goodrich, Baldwin and Daggett, a suggestive list. Ford, Webstery 11,
50. Letter of Timothy Pickering (Dec. 12, 1808) castigating Jefferson.
Ibid.f II, 56. Cf. Elizabeth Donnan, Papers of James A, Bayard, p.
174, in Amer. Hist Assoc, Repitri (1913), IL
278 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
January the Courant only mildly questioned its
efficacy, but by the April proxies its attitude had
become rabidly antagonistic. It was the work of
Virginians, who would destroy old New England
and build up, at the expense of farmer and shipper,
a manufacturing aristocracy. It would redound
to the benefit of Canada. Men were advised to
bury party distinctions and determine to live and
die freemen, in order that their voice be heard at
the '* presidential palace.'* Federalists appealed
to the freemen to vote for **the Friends of Free
Trade and the Opposers of Fatal Embargoes."
'*The doctrine of passive obedience and non-resist-
ence'* was said to have happily passed. Laborers
out of employment, mechanics walking the streets,
seamen lounging on the wharves and farmers
without markets were urged to support the ''Free
Trade or Federal Ticket."** No logic of Bishop
and Wolcott should deceive them, when the failure
of business and industry was apparent on all sides.
The Republicans were indeed hard put to defend
the administration.®^ They granted that it was a
harsh measure, but necessary because of the failure
•• Courantf Jan. 6, Feb. 3, Apr. 6, May 4, 1808. Republicans charged
that thousands of pamphlets attacking the measures were being dis-
tributed. Mercury^ Apr. 7, 1808. Webster in May wrote to Oliver
Wolcott: "Is there no way to unite the northern or commercial interest
of the United States against a non-commercial administration?" Ford,
Webster y II, 36-37, 50. In August he was drafting a memorial to Jeffer-
son. See Forrest Morgan, Conneciicut as a Colony and as a State , III,
SOS.
^Mercury, Feb. 25, 1808, and following issues. The editor (July
28) rejoiced that Connecticut was a state of fanners, not of marines and
dippers who cannot live out of water.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TICREPUBUCAN PARTY 279
of the Non-Intercourse act as the only means of
injuring England. As such it should be borne with
patriotic resignation.
The April, 1808, vote was rather better than the
Republicans expected. Trumbull received 12,146
votes to General Hart's 7,566, the highest vote
Republicans were to register for some time. In
the Assembly, their number fell to sixty-one. ••
Federalists gloried in Connecticut's stability in the
face of seven years of revolutionary effort. Con-
necticut was toasted as '*the tight ship that lives
out every storm;" as ''Noah's ark in the deluge
of Democracy. "*•
In the fall the general Federalist committee
urged freemen to stand true, as presidential elec-
tors were to be chosen and as all New England was
returning to its first love. They cried out:
Connecticut has a character to maintain
While the waves of faction have roared around us, while
the billows of democracy have beat upon us — while State
after State has fallen, and all New England has 3delded to
the torrent, .... Connecticut alone has main-
tained her station — unmoved alike by the numbers and
sophisms of her enemies, she has waUced on in the path
opened by Washington and never for a moment turned
aside to the right nor to the left.*®
Republicans called for the support of the national
government. Their appeal against a village majority
was without avail. Everything went Federalist.
**Courant, Apr. 20, May 18; Mercury, May 19, 1800. Some 1,744
votes were cast out for an unknown reason.
•» CauratU, July 13, 29, 1808.
•• Ibid,, Sept. 14.
280 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 177S-1818
The minority in the Assembly sank to fifty members.
General Hart withdrew from the gubernatorial can-
didacy; "resigned,** as the opposition had it. New
Haven and Merideh addressed the President on the
Embargo, and the Legislature, by 145 to 49 votes,
passed a resolution against it. The simple truth
is that this vote makes clear how Jefferson's
policy was curing the state of its Republicanism.
Of the forty-nine, only thirty representatives were
bold enough to subscribe to the minority report.**
Governor Trumbull called an extra session of
the Legislature in February, 1809, to consider the
Embargo, which he did not hesitate to declare
unconstitutional. In this the Federalist majority
agreed, for they empowered him to communicate
with the governor of Massachusetts, stating their
willingness to join for certain constitutional amend-
ments. It was resolved "That to preserve the
Union, and support the Constitution of the United
States, it becomes the duty of the Legislatures of
the States, in such a crisis of affairs, vigilantly to
watch over and vigorously to maintain the powers
not delegated to the United States, but reserved to
the States, respectively, or to the people; and that
a due regard to this duty will not permit this
Assembly to assist or concur in giving effect to
the aforesaid unconstitutional act, passed to en-
force the Embargo.'* Addressing the people, the
Legislature declared: "We forbear to express the
imminent danger, to which we fear, not only our
*^ Mercury, Sept 8, 22, 29, Nov. 10; CourarU, Sept. 28, Oct 13,
1808.
- J«V« .m, .
mm
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 281
constitutional rights, but those of all the people
of the United States are exposed from within and
without. May Heaven avert the danger and pre-
serve to us our privileges, civil and religious.****
A Republican protest, signed by thirty-seven repre-
sentatives and headed by Dr. Jabez Fitch, had no
effect save in bringing ridicule upon themselves.
Connecticut was entering the darkest period of
her history — one which deserves a thorough study
as affording an early nullification precedent.
Federalist writers were asking what steps should be
taken, when the national government oversteps
the constitution, and were urging state allegiance
before national. They wondered if it was less
criminal for Republicans, who were shocked at the
action of the Legislature, to rise up in open oppo-
sition and declare that the state, to which they
had sworn allegiance, was without a constitution.
They charged that the return from the Embargo
to Non-Intercourse was a change from folly to
cowardice, due to the administration*s fear of
Connecticut and Massachusetts.**
A Democratic meeting declared TrumbulPs
action "an enormous stride toward treason and
civil war.** To Republicans it was an invasion
of law by " self -s tiled friends of Washington, order
government, and religion." Republicans in mass
meetings, in dissenting churches, and in town meet-
ings, when in a majority, hurried to pass resolu-
« Yale Pamphlets, Vol. 1626; Courani, Mar. 1, 1809.
" Courant, January and March, 1809. Lamed, Windham County,
n, 404.
2S2 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: I77S-lStS
tions pledging Madison their support.** William
Bristol, a prominent Republican, wrote an essay
severely condemning the attempt of the special
session to distress the administration. He com-
plained: * 'While foreign nations are aiming their
destructive weapons at the vitals of our coun-
try, instead of rallying around the Constitution
and constituted authorities, party animosity has
usurped the place of national feeling; the citizens
are inflamed from one degree of animosity to
another; and too many seem determined to push
every measure which can distress their opponents,
though it may at the same time pierce the vitals of
their own country The Government
of the United States contains, within itself, a salu-
tary and peaceable remedy against the abuse of
power. An Independent Judiciary, under the
Constitution of the United States, may declare
laws unconstitutional and void. But the chief
resort, contrived by human wisdom to guard the
people against their rulers, consists in freely and
peaceably recurring to the Elective franchise.
To the judiciary let those resort who feel the op>era-
tion of the law in question, and think it unconsti-
tutional; but let not the citizens be seduced by
syren songs into forcible opposition.'* Thus he
sustained his thesis that the United States, not
Connecticut, was the paramount power. •*
Federalist success in April was regarded as
unequivocal approval of the session. Trumbull
^ Mercury f March, April, and May.
• Address (1809), pp.3, 17.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBLICAN PARTY 283
was re-elected by an unusually large majority,
14,650 votes to 8,159, carrying Spalding's own
town, a Democratic stronghold. Hartford, a deli-
cate measure of Republicanism, returned Feder-
alist representatives by the largest majority in
years. The Republican representatives fell to
forty-five. Rev. Samuel Nott in the election
sermon prayed that religion would prevail and
party spirit die down, while he predicted that the
governor and General Assembly united would be
able to protect the state from its enemies. Small
wonder that Robbins wrote: ''Democracy in this
State appears hopeless;*' or that Pierrepont Ed-
wards had once exclaimed: "As well attempt to
revolutionize the kingdom of heaven as the State
of Connecticut. "•*
The September election brought more joy to
Federalists. The highest Republican on the assist-
ants' list had only 5,593 votes, a little over half
the Federalist vote, but not a great deal more than
half the Republican vote of three years earlier.
It seemed that at last Jacobinism had spent its
force. Lieutenant-Governor Treadwell felt that
he was addressing his own, when he said, in the
Assembly: "The Public maintenance of religion
has ever been deemed by the most enlightened
nations as intimately connected with the interests
of the civil state." He was announcing the result
of the long struggle against the state-church —
apparently Republican failure and the triumph of
the sound principles of Federalism.*'
^ Diary y I, 415; Beecher, Autobiography ^ I, 343; Courani, May 17.
•' Mercury, Oct. 26; CouratU, Sept. 27, Oct. 18, 1809.
284 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
The year 1810 witnessed a further decline of
Republicanism. In vain did its orators make
national, patriotic appeals and call their "ten
thousand" to follow the lead of Massachusetts
and New Hampshire. •• National arguments failed
where men could look upon America as "our con-
federacy of republics. **•• Connecticut men were
too provincial, too parochial-minded.
In the April election Governor Treadwell, who suc-
ceeded on Trumbull's death, received 10,265 votes;
Spalding, 7,185; and Griswold, 3,110. As no can-
didate had a majority the choice of a governor
devolved upon the Legislature, which named
Treadwell.^®® Griswold and his following had
bolted. It was a foreboding of what the following
year was to bring forth. In the Assembly only
forty-two Republicans could be relied upon in a
crisis. The September results were more dis-
couraging to Republicans. Their representatives
increased to a doubtful sixty-four, but their high
man on the assistants' list sank to 4,242 votes,
^Mercury, April issues, 1810. Robbins wrote: "It appears the
people in Massachusetts are again to have the trial of a Democratic
governor (Gerry). The anger of Heaven is very heavy towards us in
the infatuation of the people." Diaryj I, 433.
••CoMfflw/, July 18, 25, 1810. Tudor, in his Letters^ continually
harps on Connecticut's provincialism. He believed that "Among
all their public men, there is hardly one, with the exception of
those who have been transplanted, who has shown a mind capable of
extensive range, or that was not bigoted to, or fettered by local con-
siderations." Pp. 47, 128.
»«« CouratUy May 10, 16, 1810. In the Assembly Treadwell received
121 votes; Spalding, 42; and Griswold, 29.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 285
only slightly above the 1801 level.*®* The opposi-
tion could not eternally keep up hope. Utterly
discouraged, they named no official list for the
Council until 18 15.
The first break in the ministerial party came in
181 1.*®* It was a fortunate schism, for an ever-
lastingly solid Federalism must have proven a
menace to the state. The rupture was partly
occasioned by the anti-national, factious opposi-
tion of Treadwell. Then the long-suffering Epis-
copalians gave up hope of gaining a position of
equality with the Congregationalists. A vic-
torious, national Republicanism had become esti-
mable, hence the Episcopalians could no longer be
constrained from entering the Republican party
because of its lack of respectability. Their vote,
estimated at four thousand, deserved the atten-
tion of good politicians and won Republican
pledges.*®'
Asa Spalding having declined the nomination,
the Republican party declared in favor of naming
no man, but of allowing public opinion to formu-
late on a candidate. Governor Treadwell and Roger
Griswold were the Federalist candidates. After
some little delay the Republican organization de-
termined to name Griswold, and the wealthy Epis-
101 Courant, Sept 28; Mercury, Oct 18, 1810.
^"It must have been expected, for on Trumbull's demise the As-
sembly vote for governor stood: Treadwell, 107; Spalding, 45; and
Griswold, 34. Seven councilors voted for Treadwell and five for
Griswold. Mercury, Oct. 26, 1809.
'^Mercury, May 9. 1811.
286 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
copalian, Elijah Boardman, for lieutenant gov-
ernor.*®* Griswold was the son of Governor Mat-
thew Griswold and a grandson of Governor Roger
Wolcott. He was a classical scholar, a lawyer and a
life-long Federalist office-holder, as judge and Con-
gressman. However, he was not a professor of
religion, a fact which accounted for his popular-
ity with the anticlerical element. On this ground
alone did he stand less high with the Congre-
gationalists than Tread well. Tread well on the
other hand was aggressively religious.*®^ Board-
man's nomination pleased and won over the Epis-
copalians. Republicans featured Griswold as no
friend to the clergy and as hostile to a coml ina-
tion of church and state, while Treadwell was
described as the father of the 1801 election law, a
Puritan of theocratic stamp, and a traitor to the
national government.
At the polls the ungodly element was successful.
As Beecher phrased it: **They slung us like a
i»* Dexter, Biographical Sketches, IV, 146-149; F. C. Norton, The
Gcvernors of Connecticut^ p. 137; Dwight, Travels, IV, 143-145; death
notice, Courant, Oct. 27, Nov. 3, 1812; Orville Piatt in New Haven
Hist. Soc, Papers, VI, 299 ff. Boardman (1760-1823), private in
Revolution; heavy speculator in Connecticut Land Co. and Western
Reserve; director of Bridgeport bank; several terms in Assembly.
Kilboume, Sketches, pp. 237 flf.; Orcutt, Stratford, pp. 605-<508.
*°* Bentley (Diary, IV, 20) described it as "rank rebellion against
the ministerial candidate," but Treadwell, a "stiff man" and enforcer
of the Sabbath laws, was disliked. Beecher wrote that, under the
leadership of Daggett who controlled the Fairfield bar, the lawyers
revolted, saying: "We have served the clergy long enough; we must
take another man, and let them take care of themselves." Autobi-
ography, I, 260-261.
nnnv^
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBLICAN PARTY 287
Stone from a sling."^^ Griswold, easily elected, was
the twenty-second governor, and the first who was
not even a man of religion, let alone being a pillar
of church and state.^®^ At first Treadwell's
friends had hoped that Griswold would not accept
the election at such hands. For lieutenant gov-
ernor, none of the candidates had a majority,
though of the two minority candidates Boardman
had three times as many votes as John Cotton Smith.
Yet the General Assembly selected Smith, over-
riding the will of voters.^®* In the Assembly Re-
publican strength remained stationary.
Griswold 's address to the Legislature was anx-
iously awaited. It proved, however, to be of
studied conservatism and impartiality. He an-
nounced his belief that, while the states through
the amending power are in a way conservators of
the constitution and have a right occasionally to
examine acts of the central government, this
should be done cautiously and with a view to
io6«3u( throwing Treadwell over in 1811 broke the chain and
divided the party; persons of third-rate ability, on our side, who wanted
to be somebody, deserted; all the infidels in the state had long been
leading on that side; the minor sects had swollen, and complained of
having to get a certificate to pay their tax where they liked; our efforts
to enforce reformation of morals by law made us unpopular; they at-
tacked the clergy unceasingly and myself in particular, in season and
out of season, with all sorts of misrepresentation, ridicule and abuse;
and, finally the Episcopalians who had always been staunch Federalists
were disappointed of an appropriation for the Bbhop's fund, which they
asked for, and went over to the Democrats. That overset us. They
slung us like a stone from a sling.'' Autobiography ^ II, 343.
1"^ Ohnstead, Treadwell, p. 26.
'•*• Based on CaurarU and Mercury , May-June, 1811, passim.
288 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775^1818
national interests; and that in general state legis-
latures should confine themselves to local matters.
While the speech was too conservative to win
unrestrained Democratic applause, it in noway
augured his stand of the following year.
There was something sad about this break with
the past. Men felt that the old order was giving
way; that Puritanism was loosening its hold; and
that a new era had dawned. There was little
rejoicing. Republicans might have been jubilant
if they had been more confident of their man,
but they recognized that it was Griswold's per-
sonal victory. Griswold himself displayed no ela-
tion over his success, nor over the break in the
customs of his fathers.
Local questions and political activities were for-
gotten in 1812-1813. All interest centered in the
War. Republicans called upon the people to lay
aside party differences and present a united front
to the enemy. The appeal remained unanswered,
for sympathy with England carried the Federalists
to treasonable extremes. *"• They celebrated allied
victories over Napoleon, although England was
at war with their own country, and gloried in
the difficulties of the administration.^^® They
officially refused the service of the state militia, as
did their brethren in Massachusetts, for ''Mr.
>" "Count the Cost" article, CourafU, Sept 15; "Steps tending to
the dissolution of the Union/' ilnd.j Sept. 23; "War received with disgust
north of Delaware," ibid., June 23, July 7, 28, 1812. Robbins, JWdry,
I, 518.
^^Courani, June 14, 1814; Robbins, Diary, I, 578.
RISE OP TEE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 289
Madison's War." The central administration was
compared to Nero, fiddling away while surveying
the destruction it had brought upon the country.
The War was said to be an electioneering move to
perpetuate the Virginia dynasty, supported by the
Pennsylvania United Irish because of hatred for
England, by the West for Indian lands and army
supplies, and by the South because of designs on
Florida and Mexico. They saw New England under
a western yoke — that is, the substitution of a " Clay
and a Grundy for a Grenville and a North.*'"^
Not content with refusing the President's "un-
constitutional" call on the militia, everything
possible was done to prevent enlistments in the
national army. The clergy not only did nothing
to inculcate patriotism, but expressed an anti-
nationalism, which further embittered Republicans
against their class. Connecticut Federalism was
fast sinking to its Hartford Convention depths.
It had truly become a party of "settled disaffec-
tion.""«
The Republicans, on finding Governor Gris-
wold opposed to the War, attempted to remedy
»" Morgan, Connecticut, III, 69 ff.; NUes' Register, III, 4,24; Mercury
and Couranty Aug.-Sept., passim.
^Capt. Elijah Boardman was imprisoned, while under marching
orders, because of the fife and drum noise. He was convicted and fined
months after the war. Mercury, Nov. 8, 1814; Dec. 17, 31, 1816. Hart-
ford, by a small majority, prohibited federal recruiting. IM., Feb.
7, 1815. Under Capt. Nathaniel Terry the First Company of Gover-
nor's Foot-Guards was decidedly hostile to the War, almost to the point
of open conflict with a recruiting company. L. £. Hunt, Proceedings
at Centennial of . . , , Company, pp. 12, 37: T\idor, Letters,
pp. 42-43.
290 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
their mistake by turning to Captain Elijah
Board man for their gubernatorial candidate.
Boardman, though an Episcopalian, was an ardent
supporter of the War. His selection offered prac-
tical evidence of the religious toleration of the
minority party. Griswold, who stood as a Federal-
ist, received 11,725 votes to Boardman's 1,487,
hardly one of which came from Middlesex or Litch-
field counties. Only thirty-six Republicans were
elected as representatives. Republicans were
wholly disheartened and not without cause.
Republican disappointment in Griswold was
keen, for it had never been suspected that his
nationalism was as colorless as that of Trumbull's.
They had no way of supporting the administra-
tion, save in town mass meetings at which war
petitions were circulated."* The September elec-
tion proved even more discouraging. Griswold
being ill, both sessions were addressed by John
Cotton Smith, the lieutenant governor; but there
were only thirty-six Republican members to be
annoyed by his survey of the War.
The Federalist party felt the disuniting effects
of this lawyers* bolt from the reactionary, clerical
wing, in support of their man, Griswold. In
order to heal the wounds, a meeting of the leading
lawyers such as Daggett and Roger M. Sherman,
and leading representatives of the clergy, like
Beecher, was convened at the New Haven law
chambers of Judge Baldwin to discuss the situa-
"* For lists of loyal towns and meetings, Mercury ^ Aug. 26 et seq.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TICREPUBUCAN PARTY 291
tion. Beecher stanchly supported the claims of
John Cotton Smith, a rigid old Puritan, for governor,
as this succession was one of the steady habits."*
The fact that he had been elevated by the Legisla-
ture, not by the freemen's votes, does not appear
to have entered into Beecher's calculations. The
success of this caucus was seen in the united sup-
port given John Cotton Smith. It was this forced
harmony which enabled Federalism to maintain its
hold some years longer, though it prevented a
progressive movement within the party.
John Cotton Smith was elected in 1813, with
practically the full Federalist vote (11,893). The
Republicans were proud of Boardman's 7,201
votes, for it presaged a rebirth. The Federalist
vote for lieutenant governor was divided between
Chauncey Goodrich and Calvin Goddard, so the
Republican, Isaac Spencer, received a plurality.
The decision lay with the Legislature, which
without hesitation named Goodrich, who resigned
his seat in the Senate. In the Assembly the
"* Beecher wrote to Rev. Asabel Hooker (November 24, 1812):
''I am persuaded the time has come when it becomes every friend of
this State to wake up and exert his whole influence to save it from
innovation and democracy healed of its deadly wound .... If
we stand idle we lose our habits and institutions piecemeal, as fast as
innovation and ambition shall dare to urge on the work. If we meet
with strenuous opposition [anti-Smith element] in this thing we can
but perish, and we may — I trust if we look up to God we shall — save
the state/' He advised counseling with Theodore D wight, complain-
ing "Why should this little state be sacrificed? Why should she at
such a day as this, standing alone amid surrounding ruins, be torn
herself by internal discord? What a wanton effort of ambition.'' Au-
tobiography, I, 257, 259.
292 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 177S-J8J8
"Peace men," as the Federalists liked to label
themselves, had a majority of 133 votes. The
September vote was small, though the Republicans
gained a few seats."*
The year 181 4 was of similar political tone.
Opposition to the war was becoming more violent.
Appeals to patriotism fell short, in view of the
depressed condition of agriculture and the English
blockade of the Sound. Federalist views so
alarmed the freeman, that he seems to have
shunned the war party, the "Embargaroons."
The April vote was very light, Boardman dropping
to 2,619 against John Cotton Smith's 9,415 votes.
For the congressional list, the highest vote was only
6,289 and the leading Democrat had but 104 votes.
Still, the Federalists were worried; for with the
freemen remaining away from the polls, a sudden
turn might bring Republican majorities. ''The
thirteenth year of the reign of democracy" was
indeed discouraging."*
The autumn campaign offered no consolation to
nationalists, the one issue being that of hostility
to the War. "Chatham" in The Crisis depicted
the dangers from invasion and the failure of the
central government. He advised the united action
of New England, and the appointment of commis-
sioners to arrange for some plan of defense. Let
these states raise an army and win peace by say-
ing to England: we will not invade your terri-
^CaurarU, Apr. 27, May 18, Sept. 28, Oct. 19, 1813; Mercury,
May 19; NUes* Regisier, V, 121.
"• CouratU, February-May, 1814, passim.
RISE OP THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 293
tory and you shall not invade ours. He suggested
that Connecticut set an example to the traitors
who had brought on the War, and urged the free-
men to choose honest legislators, unless they
desired to become slaves. Democratic appeals
on behalf of the Union were bootless, only about
thirty-six of their men being chosen to the Lower
House. Disunion was the order of the day.
Governor Smith referred to the General As-
sembly a letter from the governor of Massachu-
setts, inviting Connecticut to join in sending
delegates to consider measures of safety ''not
repugnant to our obligations as members of the
Union." The request was referred to a joint com-
mittee. On advice of the committee, it was voted
(153 to 36) to send delegates to the Hartford
Convention."^ Chauncey Goodrich, James Hill-
house, John Treadwell, Zephaniah Swift, Nathaniel
Smith, Calvin Goddard, and Roger M. Sherman
were selected. Theodore D wight acted as the
Convention's secretary and later as its historian.
Connecticut was deeply committed. Her repre-
sentatives were among the state leaders, Federal-
ists of deep hue, men of undoubted integrity, but
aristocrats and rulers.
The Convention's session of three weeks was
clouded in secrecy. New England's attitude of hos-
tility to the central administration, her early doubts
as to the permanence of the Union, hatred of the
West, and the Federalist whisperings of disunion,
"' Caurant, Sept., Nov., 1814; NUes* Regisler, VH, 144 flf.
294 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
gave this New England Convention a more trai-
torous aspect than it deserved. Republican pa-
pers minced no words in proclaiming its treason,
made doubly obnoxious by the presence of a
foreign foe on American soil. Federalist writers
did not hide their true sentiments in answering
their opponents"* The Connecticut Courant, aroused
by the taunts of Matthew Carey, a naturalized
Irishman, declared:
We have no idea of any contest; we shall not invite it,
we deprecate any collision with our sister states, but we
are too well acquainted with our resources, our spirit and
our rights to he deterred from asserting, and maintaining
them, because some people chose to ridicule the one and
and make light of and assail the other.
If we only defend ,our rights and do not en-
croach, the editor asked, how can there be civil
war?
The printed resolves of the Convention and its
brief journal displayed a deadly hostility to the
administration. It was admitted that there was
difficulty in ** devising means of defense against
dangers, and of relief from oppressions proceed-
ing from the act of their own government, without
violating constitutional principles or disappoint-
ing the hopes of a suffering and injured people."
They declared in favor of some means to protect
themselves against a national draft of their cit-
"• Cyrus King, speech in Congress, Oct. 22, 1814, gives a good
account of New England's attitude. Willard Phillips, "An Appeal
to the Good Sense of Democrats and the Public Spirit of Federalists"
(1814). Henry Adams, HisL of U, 5., DC, 287 flF.
RISE OF THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 295
izens, to use their militia as a state or New Eng-
land force, and to appropriate a reasonable share
of the national tax for the maintenance of this
force. Amendments were suggested, requiring a
two-thirds vote of Congress to declare war, lay
embargoes or admit new states; asking that the
President be limited to a single term; that succes-
sive Presidents come from different states; that no
foreign-born citizen be eligible to office; and that
the South's representation be cut down by not
counting blacks. In case of no action by the
national government, another convention was to
be called in the summer to consider future meas-
ures. The commissioners sent to Washington,
of whom Calvin Goddard and Nathaniel Terry
represented Connecticut, wisely neglected to de-
liver a message so discordant with the popular
rejoicing over the peace just proclaimed.
The Hartford Convention could not shake off
suspicion, not even when in defense Theodore
Dwight published its journal in i833.^^* Con-
necticut Federalism had been given a fatal blow,
though its death was not immediate. John
Quincy Adams could only account for the refrac-
tory conduct of Massachusetts and Connecticut
in "the depraving and stupefying influence of
"• Greene, Religious Liberty ^ pp. 452-458; Church Ms. Webster, an
active supporter, took a notion to study the Convention in 1835, and
wrote to some of the survivors, but saw the hopelessness of a defense,
for men would not credit its members. Ford, Webster ^ 11, 123, 497-
499. John Cotton Smith defended it to the end, feeling that the good
name of its members alone should attest its character. Andrews,
Smith, pp. 89, 95, 107; Tudor, Letters, p. 39.
296 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
faction.""® As a Republican pamphleteer wrote,
it was "the foulest stain on our [Connecticut's]
escutcheon.""^
Republican hopes rose with peace, for it was
expected that shipping and agriculture would
flourish, thus freeing the war party from responsi-
bility for the economic depression. Federalism was
falling before national pride. It was arraigned
by the Union at large for its provincialism, and
charged by ardent Republicans with rampant
treason. The Hartford Convention was so con-
temptibly regarded that even among former sup-
porters it was * 'considered sjoionymous with treach-
ery and treason.' '^^^ Republican papers printed
in heavy type the names of its members on every
anniversary. The American Mercury would have
their names inscribed on every mile-stone "with
the finger of scorn pointing to them." Hartford,
as "the metropolitan see of Federalism," even en-
tertained Admiral Hotham and his officers in
March, 1815."* Yet with the people at large
"treason" was no longer popular. Republicans
realized this and made splendid political capital
of the fact.
John Cotton Smith was re-elected in the spring of
1815 by a vote of 8,176 to Boardman's 4,876;
that is, by the lightest poll sin,ce Federalists faced
•w Memoirs (Oct., 1819), IV, 422.
"* Richards, Politics of Connecticut, p. 26.
*** American Watchman in Mercury, Oct. 25, 1815.
*» Welling, Connecticut Federalism, p. 266. See Mercury, Mar. 22,
1817; Providence Patriot, Mar. 11, 1817.
RISE OP THE DEMOCRA TIC-REPUBUCAN PARTY 297
an opposition. His victory was really due to
Boardman's Episcopacy, so it aroused premoni-
tions of coming danger. In his address he stub-
bornly supported past policies and painfully
reverted to the War as precipitous and pregnant
with evil. In September the Republicans named
their first assistants* list since 1810. Their high
vote of 4,493 amounted to nearly half that of the
leading Federalist. In the Assembly they won
fifty-seven seats. Republican organizers were
becoming hopeful, for they believed this to be the
full Federalist strength, and recalled that it was
about the old maximum Republican vote of past
years. Their problem was to reach the neutral, the
former Republican and the fallen-away Federalist."*
NOTE
Incsease in the Vote and Party Life
The vote had never been large during the whole colonial periods.
One of the bitterest elections, that of 1767, only resulted in 8,258 votes
for governor. Stiles, Itineraries^ pp. 462-465. McKinley figures out
that about one- twelfth of the adult males voted. Col. Records, XIV,
491; XV, 173; McKinley, The Suffrage Franchise, p. 419. A town
like Hamden, with 1,400 people, cast 78 votes on the ratification of
the constitution, or 5.2 per cent. Blake, Hamden, p. 211. In New
Haven's first city election, 1784, out of 600 men, 343 were freemen and
only 70 per cent of them voted. Stiles, Diary, III, 120. The highest
votes for assistants (from the Almanack and Register): 1775, 4,325;
1794, 4,604; 1795, 2,756; 1796, 4,087; 1798, 5,513; 1799, 3,899; and
1800, 9,625. The state's population in 1790 was 237,946, and in 1800,
251,034. In 1784, 6,853 votes were cast for governor. Stiles, Diary,
m, 120. In 1796 there were 7,773 votes {Courant, May 16) or 3.2
^ Based on accoimts in Courant and Mercury, Apr., May, Sept,
Oct., 1815, passim.
COJJECnCUT IS TEAXSmOJF: 075^390
Iftl79§^
»JM*S
In
afaoQC 3 pier cent cc the pKp«e
itry, n. 965. Vocxa^ tfarwrirt aze ^aetaZr
tke icoct ccxmtiB^ cf t£he voce boHocs
or ZApcr
tEOBt 17% to 1799 oaij
onfiiWAOic rar. ob
Rtftj life broq^ out tbe voce. Indeed it vas wsc loo^ until
afnid cfca£ tiie irrfMrn were ftnimfng dun^esDiBljr sobservient
to party ties ani apprah As early as 1^02. tbe Awirkmi Mtnmrf
charged that **T1ie Feitr^HsU appear t act from no piiwip i r bat that
of impfidt obrdirncr to their sect." Apr. 8. 1802. The SMiiwnml
iwU0ifemc4sr innMtd: "Stick to yoor party at all events, is a mazini
€n » jB co«i in theory, and mtsrhinoBS in practice.'* FefaL 3. 180J. The
Ctmami t^k op the strain: "We wmsi tikk U #ar pvty. This senti-
■Knt *d iaise honor, or rather of blind obstinacy, has a p fo d% B nQ5 and
■MMt baneful 'wAaeaot at the present day." .\iig. 3. ISia Dwi^t,
Dtcitwms, pu 135, pointed oot to the students the dangcioos tmdrnr y
of cmpfaastzini; the party"' s rather than the nation's good. Tbe Sahk
Americam RaUm ''1817;, I\'. 193, in a pinlosopfaic article on the -".Abases
of Pf^tial Discnssioo," said: ^We have the resofaite partban. boand
hand and foot to his old friends, and a fev favorite measm e s monopoliz-
ioi( truth, and yet shaming her spirit." This was the service political
parties did for the early nation. Xowhere was this bringing oot of
the electorate as necessary as in Coonecticat.
wS^
CHAPTER VII
Federal Party Organization
nPHE question arises: Why was the growth of
-■^ Republicanism so slow? How was it that
Connecticut alone remained immune to Demo-
cratic attacks? The only reasonable explanation
of Federalism 's continued success was the strength
of its organization.
It was only necessary to perfect the working
methods of the organized body of office-holders
who made up the nucleus of the party. ^ There
were the state officers, the assistants, and a large
majority of the Assembly. In every county there
was a sheriff with his deputies. All of the state,
county, and town judges were potential and gener-
ally active workers. Every town had several
justices of the peace, school directors and, in
Federalist towns, all the town officers who were
ready to carry on the party's work. Every parish
had a * 'standing agent," whose anathemas were
said to convince at least ten voting deacons.
Militia officers, state's attorneys, lawyers, pro-
fessors and school teachers were in the van of this
* 'conscript army." In all, about a thousand or
eleven hundred dependent officer-holders were
described as the inner ring which could always be
depended upon for their own and enough more
^ Cf. Greene, Religious Liberty^ p. 436.
299
» 1» ^F'*^<|>^^^' * ■ -^ • »— «i— ■-— ■«
300 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
votes within their control to decide an election.*
This was the Federalist machine.
Such an organization was bound to be victorious.
The early Republicans were helpless. Only when
a similar Republican organization had been created,
were they able to lead an effectual attack. State
caucuses of leading Federalists were held. As time
went on, the old custom of no printed nomination
lists was broken. The names of assistants were
semi-officially brought to the attention of the voters
by newspaper ballots, signed by the chairmen of
the state caucus.' This suggested list of candi-
dates was then nominated by the Federalist voters
without change or slip. Nominations for Congress
came to be made in exactly the same way. Town
caucuses were held in inns or coffee-houses just
prior to the freemen's meetings. Here the town
leader carried on the work assigned by the state
chairman. His duty was to inspire the voters
with such a dread of the outcome, if the enemy
gained the day, that all might turn out at the polls.
A dozen Federalist newspapers lent untold assist-
ance by advertising the '*good men,*' maligning
their contumacious opponents and publishing
blacker and ever gloomier accounts of a future
under triumphant Republicanism.
In any consideration of the Federalist machine,
* There is especially good material in the following issues of the
Mercury, Jan. 29, 1801, Apr. 8, 1802, Feb. 20, Mar. 20, 1806, July 4,
Aug. 4, 1808.
• Elijah Hubbard and Eliphalet Terry served as state chairmen.
Couranl, Oct. 29, 1806; Mar. 23, 30, 1808; Aug. 20, 1809. Mercury,
June 2, 1803.
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 301
the Federalist complexion of Yale and the school
system must not be overlooked. At greater
length, the position of the lawyers and clergy will
be discussed, for these two professions formed a
powerful section of the party. Their influence
was far reaching and used without hesitation.
Yale College was recognized by Republicans as
an important mechanism in the Federalist machine.*
With Dr. Dwight at its head stamping out heresy,
religious and political, it is not surprising that this
view gained currency. Professor Josiah Meigs
as a Republican was no longer capable of teaching
mathematics and philosophy.'^ Abraham Bishop
pictured his alma mater as a pernicious "labora-
tory of church and state," in which the students
were taught by men who despised liberalism be-
cause of their training, nature and interests. The
intensely Federalist governing body, it was urged,
did its utmost to injure a party in no way hostile
to learning. Yale commencements were social
occasions at which the ministers and aristocrats
of the state met in New Haven.* An oration,
naturally orthodox and Federalist in tone, was de-
livered. It was said that a United States Senator
and a member of the Cabinet at one time had re-
fused to be present lest they and the national
administration be insulted from the rostrum'
* Bishop, Oration (1804), p. 22. Bishop, Proofs of a Conspiracy
(1802), p. 48.
* Mercury, Aug. 1, 1805.
« StUes, Diary, III, 402, 430; Mercury, Oct. 6, 1803; Sept. 23, 1807;
Sept. 27, 1809; Sept. 12, 1811.
' Mercury, May 22, 1800; Oct. 6, 1803.
302 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Yet, in spite of the stifling attempts of "the Pope
and the holy order," Republicans rejoiced that a
few students saw the light and daringly asserted
themselves in a party banquet. * That the Re-
publican party was opposed to the college in itself,
was in no way apparent. Too many Republican
leaders were themselves graduates for this to be
the case.
Republicans, not without cause, complained of
the Federalist bias given to all Connecticut school-
ing.* Schoolmasters were as orthodox in politics
as in religion, or orthodox boards of examiners
would not have passed favorably on them. Even
the text-books were Federalist in tone, Dwight's
Geography, Webster's readers, spellers, grammars
and dictionaries. Rev. Ezra Sampson's The
Beauties of the Bible, and Morse's Geography;
all incidently parried the dangers of democracy.
Republicanism may have benefited in the end by
many a boy's reaction from this teaching, when he
entered upon his life work.
Yet, after all. Republicanism could be diffused
more readily because of the literate character of
the electorate than might otherwise have been
the case. Practically every native-bom resident
could write and read.^° Social and , mechanics'
» Mercury, July 26, 1804; Sept. 7, 1809.
^NiUi' Register, XIII, 194; Mercury, Nov. 24, 1808. Ellen Peck,
"Early Text-Books in Connecticut," Conn. Mag., IV, 61-72.
^^ Noah Webster grieved at the paucity of books and scholars, but
believed that knowledge was well diffused through the laboring class.
Ten Letters, pp. 22-26. Judge Reeve in his legal career only knew of
one native witAess who could not read. Women were generally illiter-
FEDERA L PARTY ORG A NIZA TION 303
libraries served as reading centers in many towns.
Newspapers were plentiful, generally read and
handed on to non-subscribers. This meant much
to a new party. Hence the primary schooling,
despite its objectionable characteristics, proved
advantageous to Republican propaganda.
As stanch upholders of the Standing Order,
the legal profession was assailed on all sides by
Republicans." As a class, they were second only
to the Congregational clergy in arousing hos-
tility. Republican lawyers were few, even in-
cluding the several individuals who might justly
be classed as office-seekers. The vast majority
of them were active Federalist workers, making
for the undeniable efficiency of that party. It is
not difficult to account for their political persuasion.
Their reputation was that of selfish men seeking
their own interests, which assuredly were bound
up with the success of Federalism. Their ad-
mission to the bar depended upon Federalist
county courts. Then, to rise in his profession, a
young lawyer found it advisable to be a friend of
the clergy and a stanch supporter of the state's
rulers, who were generally lawyers of family, of
distinction or wealth.
The averge attorney was apt to be a Yale
ate, even those of social standing often making their ''mark." Pease
and Niles, Gazetteer, pp. 30-32; jTudor, Letters ^ p. 47; Swift, System of
the Laws, I, 4; Church, Litchfield Centennial, p. 49; Benjamin Stark,
"Schools of New London," New London County Historical Society,
Proceedings, II, 123.
" Mercury, Feb. 27, 1806; Aug. 22, 1811. BUhop, Address (1801),
pp. 84 ff.; Story, Life and Letters of Joseph Story, I, 95-98.
304 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
graduate, then a student in a law office or a graduate
of the famous Litchfield Law School, presided over
by Judges Tapping Reeve and James Gould."
In any case during the formative years of his life
he was trained in an intensely Federalist atmosphere.
Tapping Reeve, summoned in 1806 for seditious
utterances, and the Law School, were as much a
part of Connecticut Federalism as Dwight and
Yale College. Legal interpretation was partisan,
for case-lore was lodged in the memory or notes of
Federalist judges. There were no American text-
books until, to fill the need. Swift, in 1795, wrote
A System of the Laws of the State of Connecticut^
which incidently offered an elaborate defense of
the government and past policies of the state.
Ephraim Kirby, the Republican leader, com-
menced the private publication of legal reports
in 1789. Aside from these, Blackstone and Montes-
quieu were the chief sources in English.^* This
left the young law student dependent upon auri-
cular law, with the result that he was confirmed in
Federalist principles and convinced that only as
^For an account of the school and its faculty, see: Hollister,
Connecticut^ II, 597 ff.; David Boardman, Sketches of Litchfield Bar,
pp. 7-10; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer , p. 233; Loomis and Calhoun,
Judicial History y pp. 460, 537; Stokes, Memorials^ II, 255-260.
" Kirby's volume, covering about 200 cases from 1 785 to 1 788, is con-
sidered the first of its kind issued in America, though Alexander Dallas
followed the next year with one for Pennsylvania. The reports were
continued by Jesse Root and later by Thomas Day who in 1814 became
the first official reporter. Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History ^ pp.
143-145; Hollister, Connecticutj II, 609; Dwight Kilbourne, The
Bench and Bar of Litchfield County ^ pp. 103 ff. For lack of texts, sec:
Stiles, Diary, II, 420; Swift, System of the Laws, I, 1-5.
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 305
a member of that party could he anticipate success.
In brief, he imbibed Federalism in learning law.
To attack the lawyer was good political capital.
This the Republican leaders realized and this the
student of the time must not overlook as one of the
reasons for that party's attitude. Never had the
lawyer been popular in Connecticut. Rev. Noah
Atwater's advice to his son expressed the general
opinion: **I should not wish you to study law.
Many of the lawyers are reputable and worthy
men and very useful in the community. But
many temptations attend their profession."^* That
these temptations were not avoided was the usual
belief. Lawyers were subject to a special tax,
by being put in the list at fifty pounds. In 1730
their number in the colony was limited to eleven,
but thirty years later Stiles counted six in New
Haven County. After the Revolution their num-
ber increased until by 1800 nearly every town had
at least one attorney, with a total of about two
hundred in the state.^* Republicans condemned
this increase as due to the loaves and fishes rather
than to business. They charged them with stirring
up strife in quiet neighborhoods, in order to aug-
ment business among a people already notorious
for their fondness for litigation.^* The cost, it was
" Yale Pamphlets (1802), Vol. 59, No. 7.
" Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History ^ pp. 184 ff.; Dwight, Deci-
sions\ Pease and Niles, Gazetteer y and The Almanack and Register ^ give the
number for each town; Dwight, Travels, I, 250; subscription list for
Swift's work. The Mercury estimated the number of lawyers at 191
in 1803, and 299 in 1807, issues of Mar. 31, 1803; Mar. 26, 1807.
^* Dwight, Travels, I, 250; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 13; Stiles,
Diary, III, 221; Robbins, Diary, I, 349; Morse, Geography, p. 158.
J06 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
pointed out, fell chiefly upon necessitous persons
who were frequently reduced to poverty. Thus
the poor rates were said to be indirectly raised by
liie questionable practices of the profession.
Farmers were advised by Republicans to vote
for men who lived by their labor rather than by
their lungs. Until the hardy, sunburnt sons of
industry, the equivalent of our "plain people,"
stood firm against the lawyers' monopoly, taxes
and emoluments of office would continue to
be the prey of this lawyer class. Editorials
pointed out that the two United States Senators
were lawyers, likewise the six Congressmen, eig^t
of those in nomination for Congress, fifteen of the
annual aspirants to the Council, the speaker and
clerks of the Legislature, and numerous representa-
tives. Lawyers were decried as the allies of the
clergy, with whose assistance they were able to
rule the General Assembly, advance their own
interests and incidentally tighten their grip on the
state. Federalists dodged the issue whenever pos-
sible, for they were well aware of its strength with
farmer and mechanic. Occasionally they retaliated
with articles, showing that Jefferson's appointees
were often attorneys, and that lawyers played quite
as prominent a part under the Republican regime
in other states. The suffrage qualification alone
prevented the laboring element from registering
in a decisive way their approval of the Republican
contention.
Dwight severely criticised these Republican
tactics, as not merely a popular appeal, but as an
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 307
attempt to win the younger unsettled lawyers.
Ultimately the policy was successful, aided by a
liberal use of federal patronage. At any rate the
Toleration-Republican party was not to prove
unkind to legal men of Republican sympathies.
Above all other men subject to the virulence of
Republican scribes and orators were the Congrega-
tional clergy. To undersand the occasion for this,
it is necessary to consider the status of the ministry.
The Congregational clergy of Connecticut was
the favored, privileged class of the colonial period. ^^
Their polls and estates were exempt from taxation.
Stringent laws secured the advantages of their
position, and assisted in augmenting the respect
shown by their charges. They were the established
ministers; other clergymen were but dissenting
preachers tolerated in part, but never respected.
It was the Congregational clergyman who controlled
the parish school, who instructed the children of all
faiths in religion and morals, who acted as school
visitor and examined the fitness and morals of the
teacher. It was the Congregational clergyman who
prayed at the freemen's meeting and who often aided
in conducting the vote. The Congregational clergy,
not dissenting ministers, occupied positions of
honor at the General Elections. Every town had
at least one clergyman who often was the only
college man in the vicinity, aside from a possible
lawyer and a medical man of doubtful education.
^^ Cf. Anderson, Waierhury, I, 525; Bronson, Waierbury^ pp. 315
flF.; Porter, Historical Address (1840), p. 45. Stiles, Sermon (1783), p.
73, and Diary, I, 54, minimize this power.
■m^mi
308 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: I77S-1SU
No Other pfx>fes^ons were recognized. The greatest
of these was the minister who might act as phy-
sician or be called in to settle legal disputes. His
social position was secure. He stood with the
magistrate, the squire, and the opulent general
merchant. To magistrate and minister was the
hat doffed.
The minister was called by the leading members
of the congregation. With them he stood on the
best of terms, thereby making his living permanent
for all practical purposes. Long tenure increased
his influence and power so that he often became
a pope in his parish, his power depending upon
his calling rather than upon his personality. He
preached a severe Calvinism which appealed to the
fear rather than to the reason of his hearers. He
encouraged church-going by demanding the en-
forcement of the Sabbath laws, and mended morals
by an inquisitorial scrutiny. In the poorest
parishes and in the frontier districts he was obliged
to farm in order to eke out a living, and to practise
also a judicious economy. Yet, generally speaking,
his salary was relatively fair, when compared with
the incomes of those about him, the physician, the
magistrate, or the school teacher. His clerical
duties consisted of tw^o forty-five minute Sunday
sermons, catechising the young, visiting the sick,
attending funerals and convocations, and enter-
taining passing company. His most arduous work
was in connection with the collection of the dis-
senters' tithes. Generally speaking, he did noth-
ing for literature. President Dwight excused this
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 309
on the grounds of small libraries and poor livings.^'
On the whole his work was not onerous. In large
towns the Congregational ministers stood in the
first rank as social leaders, and in the small towns
the solitary clergyman brooked no equal.
Congregational clergymen were patriots during
the Revolution. As such they did not dis-
courage the persecution of the Anglican church-
men of Tory sympathies. Hence their power was
not weakened after the War, any more than was
that of the aristocratic element. They stood again
with the ruling class in a demand for the Constitu-
tion and a strong, stable, central government.
Later, Republicans honestly believed that the
clergy had only aided in overthrowing the king in
order to usurp his power.^'
The years following the Revolution lessened the
autocratic sway of the clergy and challenged the
forces of reaction, in so far that there was granted a
nominal toleration to all sects, a lay representation
on Yale's board of directors, and a theoretical belief
in religious freedom engendered by the Constitu-
tion. Again, as the economic and political life
developed, the local clergyman's influence di-
minished. Other men were becoming educated;
the college was becoming something more than a
mere divinity school. Lawyers were gaining in
influence. Yet the change in the minister's position
was too gradual for the opponents of these steady
habits, whose eyes could scarcely detect the prog-
ress of the movement.
" Travels, IV, 309 ff.
»• Mercury, June 27, 1805. .
310 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
David Daggett, disclosing more frankness than
cleverness, called attention to the waning light of
the minister in 1787:
The minister, with two or three principal chaiactexSy
was supreme in each town. Hence the body of the clergy,
with a few families of distinction, between whom there was
ever a most intimate connection, ruled the whole State.
The loss of this happy influence of the clergy, in this coun-
try, is deeply to be regretted, and is to be ascribed to two
causes — the increase of knowledge, and the growth of opp>o-
sition to religion. Knowledge has induced the laity to
think and to act for themselves, and an opposition to relig-
ion has curtailed the power of its supporters.*®
By the time of John Adams's election, the Con-
gregationalist clergy had become Federalist almost
to a man. Scarcely a deacon could be found to
profess openly Republican sentiments.*^ This was
a situation to be expected when it was impressed
upon the minds of the religious that only atheists,
immoral men, and an occasional deluded dissenter
of no respectability could possibly be a Republican.
To be a Jeffersonian-Republican and a preacher of
Calvinism was a unique position which gained wide
notoriety for men who had that unusual distinction.
Rev. Stanley Griswold, a popular preacher of
Milford, was reported to be a follower of Jefferson.
Of this there was no doubt when he preached at
the Wallingford Democratic Jubilee in 1801, against
the advice of friends who read the spirit of the
w Fourth of Jidy Oration, p. 6.
^ The case of Anson Phelps of Suffield, an ardent Republican and
believer in the separation of church and state, was unique enough *'
deserve a notice in the obituary column. Mercury, July 12, lu|g
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 311
times well enough to fear for his future. The
sermon was widely printed and created a stir.
Griswold was thereupon tested as to his orthodoxy
by an inquisitorial board. In 1802 he resigned his
pastorate, to the sorrow of many of his parishioners
who failed to sympathize with his "persecution."
The difficulty, it was urged, was not that he had
meddled in politics, but that his politics were of a
brand condemned by the clerical party. By his
brother Republicans he was beloved as "the most
eminent victim to clerical intolerance.*' His case
was cited on all occasions. Exiled at Walpole,
New Hampshire, he established a Democratic
paper. The Political Observatory. He later became
a national figure, first, as secretary of Michigan
Territory and then as Senator from Ohio.**
Rev. Whitfield Cowles of Granby was dismissed
for his Republicanism and never re-admitted by the
Association.*' Later he entered the Universalist
ministry and frequently honored Republican Fourth-
of-July celebrations as orator or preacher. A
Reverend Mr. M 'Knight, for the sake of peace, left
Greenfield to settle in free New York.** It was
" Kilboume, Sketches ^ pp. 82 ff.; Goodenough, Clergy of Litchfield
County, pp. 22, 74; Mercury, Aug. 4, 1803; Jan. 9, 1806; June 6, 1808.
See "Statement of the Proceedings of the Association of Litchfield
County vs. Rev. Stanley Griswold."
» Mercury, July 9, 1801; Aug. 4, 1803; Robbins, Diary, I, 355, 426.
" Mercury, Aug. 4, 1803. Rev. Mr. Trumbull of North Haven was
quoted as having said that he would prefer to cut off his arm than or-
dain a Republican. A preacher named Gemmil of New Haven was
said to have been driven from his pastorate on political grounds. Mer-
cury, Jan. 9, 1806. Republican clergy were spoken of as that "fellow"
tif "rascal" rather than by title.
It
312 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
reported that a certain divinity student had been
refused a license because of the suspected Republi-
canism of his father. Federalist clergy refused to
exchange pulpits with ministers of whose orthodoxy
they were not assured. Republican newspapers
championed the "persecuted" and heralded their
names, while using their cases to strike home tell-
ing criticisms ol the politico-religious intolerance
and bigotry of the tithed ministry.
The election of 1800 saw the Connecticut clergy
drawn up in solid order to prevent the election
of Jefferson. They beat what the Republicans
called "the political tattoo." Politics of no nega-
tive type were openly preached from the pulpit.
Religion was in danger: 'To its rescue," became
the cry of these crusaders. The safety of the
Bible was jeopardized by American Jacobins.
Prayers and sermons became phillipics against
Frenchmen, and against Republicans who were
known to dissent from the opinion that all French-
men were atheists, murderers, and cannibals.
They refused to disassociate Republicanism from
Jacobinism. They felt that it was **as much a
matter of conscience to avow their political as
their theological tenets." In so doing they inter-
mingled prayer and imprecation, religion and poli-
tics. Jefferson now became the "man of sin,"
despite his honorary degree from Yale. He was
described as a fanatical atheist, bent on ruining
the church and on destroying pulpit and Bible.**
^Mercury, Aug. 28, 1800; Sept. 24, 1801; Henry Adams, Hist, of
the United States, I, 79 ff.; J. T. Austin, Life of EXhridge Gerry, II, 335
ff.; Robinson, Jejjersonian Democracy, pp. 130 ff.
.^^^
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 313
Chauncey Goodrich wrote: "Among all the good
people of the State there is a horrid idea of Mr.
Jefferson. The clergy abominate him on account
of his atheistical creed.**'* Robbins jotted down
in his diary a thought relative to the possibility of
Jefferson's election: "blessed be God that all
things are in his hands, and may he avert such an
evil from this country, for His name's sake. I do
not believe that the Most High will permit a howl-
ing atheist to sit at the head of this nation."*^
His was a representative honest fear that Jeffer-
son's election would be an unmitigated evil. It
explains in part the boldness of the political pulpit.
Bentley wrote in his diary that "the political con-
duct of the clergy is no where so insolent as in
Connecticut." He was quite annoyed to learn
that a Southington minister in a Thanksgiving
sermon "Scrupled not to call the President a de-
bauchee, an infidel and a liar."'^ Furthermore,
this was after the election, when discretion checked
many utterances.
A sermon which attracted much attention was
that of the Rev. Jonathan Bird, delivered first in
1803. The Rev. Mr. Bird noted in an advertise-
ment to the printed sermon that no names were
mentioned, though, if the Democrats desired to
fit themselves to the coat he had cutout, he would
raise no objection. He preached as follows:
•• George Gibbs, Memoirs of Washington and John Adams, II, 411.
"Diary, I, 114, 145.
'* Diary f III, 208. See account of federal prosecution of Rev. Thad-
deus Osgood, Mercury, Dec. 26, 1805; Apr. 23, 1806.
aa««^nfli*«
314 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
When we see the restless pursuit of the world; good order
disregarded; laws, human and divine, trampled on; religion
derided; and its professors made the scofiF of the profane —
When vice of every kind is rampant, its votaries applauded,
and advantaged to lucrative and honorable station, then
we justly fear for the safety of our civil and religious
liberty.*'
The veiled description touched the mark, if one
may judge from the heated controversy which it
aroused. Like many other sermons its Biblical
quotations were easily interpreted. Yet the most
ardent Federalist, if instinctively religious, must
have revolted at the use of Scriptural quotations
for profane purposes.
The hostility of the Congregational clergy to-
ward Republicans became more and more bitter.
They saw only ruin for the country in the factional
struggles, an attempt to bring in Jacobinism
and French atheism, and to subvert morals. Their
fears were no doubt honest. All Europe was suffi-
ciently imbued with the dangers of the French
system to enthrone reaction. The Anglican church
feared reform for at least a generation. Is it
strange that the Connecticut clergyman, always
steady, became a deep reactionary? He saw his
powerful position weakened by deism and dissent,
and noted that deists and dissenters were as a rule
Republicans. He noticed that respectable dis-
senters, the Episcopalians, held aloof from Re- '
publicanism and voted for religious men. This
*^ Discourse t Apr. 11, 1803. Controversy between Rev. Richard
Ely, from whose pulpit it was delivered, and Gen. Hart. Mercury,
June 9, July 21, Aug. 4, 18, 1803
' -- •*
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 315
only convinced him of the correctness of his position.
He felt that his interest lay with the Federalist
party, which represented the wealth, the well-bom
and the educated, and guaranteed the stability of
the existing order, the relationship of church and
state, the ecclesiastical tithe, the sacredness of the
clergyman's position, the existing school system,
and all that looked toward the security of his class.
Under a Republican regime this favored position
must fall before the theory of equal rights for all
men. Yale might suffer, for an Episcopalian
college would be chartered.
No wonder the Congregational clergyman be-
came an ardent partisan, with conscience and in-
terest leading in the same direction. That con-
scientious reasons played a part, must not be over-
looked. Nor must the courage of the reactionary
be deprecated, any more than the sobering in-
fluence of conservatism. According to the Re-
publican idea, the standing clergy saw with worldly
eyes merely their own interests, and feared inno-
vation for personal reasons.
The partisan zeal of the clergy was stimulated
by Abraham Bishop whose scholarly attainments
the Yale authorities recognized, when they in-
vited him to deliver the Phi Beta Kappa oration
at the commencement of 1800. Not being in-
terested in the planets or in classic lore, he sub-
mitted an essay on commercial and banking sys-
tems which, on the advice of the clergy, was re-
fused at the last moment. A change of speakers
was announced. Bishop thereupon delivered a
316 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
rival address in one of the churches, which drew
fifteen hundred auditors, including women and a
few clergy. The erudite, official lecturer proved,
by way of comparison, a poor drawing-card. The
subject of Bishop's oration, "The Extent and
Power of Political Delusion," gave him an excel-
lent opportunity to make a stirring political appeal
and a vigorous attack on Federalism, the union
of church and state, and clerical domination.
Steady habits, he pointed out, covered oppression
and imposture, and enabled the clergy to prevent
the diffusion of truth and a dissolution of the estab-
lishment. Of the three classes embarrassing reform,
lawyers, Anglo-sympathizers, and clergy, the last
were most blameworthy. Their cries that morals,
science and religion were in danger, along with their
libels on Republicans, and the '*calling"of atheists
in political preaching, made men irreligious.'® The
clergy answered with bitter recriminations. His
course was an affront to their order, to the church,
to the college and all that was venerated. The
more grievous their attacks and those of Noah
Webster and the Federalist papers, the greater
Bishop's popularity in Republican circles became.
Invited to deliver the oration at the Wallingford
celebration, he attacked the clerical party with
even more virulence.
^ Greene, Religious Liberty^ pp. 419 ff. As Bishop prided himself
on his audience, Daggett wrote that an ourang-outang will always draw
more spectators than a himian being. Three Letters to Abraham Bishop.
Robbins noted that he heard Bishop deliver *'a very foolish and inflam-
matory Democratic oration two hours long.'' Diairy^ I, 122.
*■ it .~.^z^
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 317
That the clergy exerted a great political influence,
the honest Federalist did not deny. He considered
their labors in maintaining the stability of the old
parties as a righteous part of their calling.'^ Dr.
Morse in his famous Geography described the clergy
as an autocratic balance against democracy. Theo-
dore Dwight defended the occasional preaching of
politics as a bounden duty to thwart partisans who
discredit ministers, decry religion, and destroy pub-
lie worship. President Dwight admitted that there
was such a thing as "clerical consequence," but that
it was due to their divinely instituted office and
their own inherent worth, for they had no power,
only "an influence, which every sober man must
regard as desirable in any community."'* In a
bitter attack on the administration and the Louis-
iana Purchase, George W. Stanley described the
status of Connecticut's clergy: "They hold no
offices, they are poor, they are not active political
** Dwight inconsistently declared that a government by the clergy
must be bad, but that the influence of good clergy must be good. Trav-
dSf rv, 242. The Courant, edited by Rev. E. Sampson, "one who has
assumed the cross, but professionally deserted his master" {Mercury^
Sept. 13, 1804), conmiented: "The democratic newspapers abound
with attacks upon the clergy — they, it seems, are to be driven from the
exercise of a right not denied to any other citizen. . . . Their
characters entitle them to different treatment, — good men will not
fail to resist this spirit of persecution, against a body of men so justly
respettable for their learning, their love of genuine liberty, their virtue
and their extensive influence in the promotion of the best interests of
society." October 29, 1806. The Middlesex Gazette grieved that the
clergy had suffered themselves to be driven from their duty by the im-
pudent clamor of Bishop and Wolcott. Courant, Mar. 26, 1806. Theo-
dore Bright, Oraiion (1801), pp. 18 ff.
« Travels, IV, 406.
Mr**.
■J U if^
318 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
intriguers or electioneers. They only exert a
quiet suffrage. They have preached against dan-
gerous philosophy and infectious infidelity, and if,
as the opposition maintained, this is hostile to
republican principles, the clergy are not to be
blamed.''"
With the Republican national success, the clergy
were more secret and careful in exerting their
political influence. Democratic orators and writers,
recalling their fears, answered that the Bible, the
pulpit and the meeting-house still stood, and that
true religion was as secure as under an Adams.
The Mercury reported that 'Tope Dwight" had
issued a bill prohibiting the preaching of politics
for the time being, as his clergy were more zealous
than discreet: ** Hereafter the political part of
the sacerdotal functions will be performed in a less
public but more insidious form.""
Republican writers remarked that political
preaching was a thing of the past in Republican
towns like North Haven, Stamford, Wallingford
and Suffield. If Republicans were hostile to the
clergy or demanded preachers of their own party,
it was said that clergymen of Republican towns
would have been dismissed by their congrega-
tions. That this was not done, was evidence that
the Republicans were willing to allow them politi-
cal freedom. They merely asked a minister to
obey Christian teachings, rendering to Caesar the
things that are Caesar's and to God the things
wOra/»<m(1804), p. 13.
»* July IS, 1803.
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 319
that are God's, and to confine himself to preach-
ing the Word. This at least the men contributing
to the clergyman's support had the right to de-
mand. It was cynically added that, if God's
kingdom was of this world, they should cite chap-
ter and verse in order that men might be aware
of the short-comings of the Episcopalians and more
humble dissenters who failed in the full perform-
ance of their religious duty.**
Partisans were partisans. Personalities were
not spared in attacking the clerical order. "Pope
Dwight," as head of what was termed the "pres-
byterian manufactory," was generally described
as the head of the clerical party.'* Ministers like
Trumbull, Ely, Beecher and Huntington were re-
garded as his lieutenants, to lead the well-trained
cohorts to the election. "Eschines" wrote in 1801 :
'*in the ecclesiatical carcase of Connecticut, the
President of Yale is the grand pabulum, and foun-
tain head of political and religious orthodoxy."''
Another writer would declare him a Jesuit, if that
order had not been suppressed. Another wrote:
"Let the Tope' take the field at the head of the
Black Hussars, and victory must declare on his
» See issues of Mercury for June 4, July 25, 1801; Apr. 22, 1802;
Aug. 4, 1803. Cf. Governor Sullivan's advice to the historian, Bel-
knap, an ardent Federalist. T. C. Amory, Life of James Sullivan,
n, 56-57.
" Address to Fairfield Electors, printed in Mercury, Apr. 2, 1816.
•^ Mercury, Apr. 30, 1801. James Gary, in a view of the New Eng-
land Illuminati, described Dwight: "active, persevering, and un-
daunted, he proceeds to direct all political, civil and ecclesiastical
affairs." P. 17. See "Luther's" attack on Pope Dwight, Mercury,
Sept. 12, 1805; July 26, Sept. 13, 1804; Aug. 1, 1805.
-.TTji^WM^-— »— -.. m m.'- —- -■ »■ - II 1 1 1 ^J| Mi i »
320 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-I8I8
side." D wight was an able politician and an ardent
Federalist, yet charges of his indiscreet activities
might easily have been exaggerated. Certainly
both he and the college were innocent of the
Toryism with which they were charged, because
Colonel Edward Fanning, a British governor and
Tory raider under Tryon, happened to have been
awarded a degree. Yet this charge was reiter-
ated.** To Republicans Dwight's salary of $2,000 a
year, twice that of the governor, was in itself a scan-
dal. Then Dwight was essentially an aristocrat,
caring little for the poor and lowly. This gave the
demagogue an excellent opportunity. Dwight's
aversion to universal suffrage gained for him the
dislike of the disfranchised. On the whole, he left
himself rather vulnerable to attack.
The Federalist answered, in defense of the clergy,
that those who would overthrow the institutions
of the state knew that they must first destroy
religion and undermine the popular reverence for
the ministry ere they could work their ends. Aside
from open attacks, frequent use was made of such
expressions as "the chains of clericalism which bind
the listless citizen;" "the drum ecclesiastical;"
"the clergy always hand in hand with the rich and
honorable and well-born]'' "abject submission;"
"clerical denomination;" "a fanatical veneration for
a pampered deluding and anti-Christian priesthood
renders the people the dupes of their cunning and
•• Mercury y July 26, 1804, and afterwards in nearly every a tack
upon the college. Henry P. Johnston, Yale ... . in the
American Revolution^ p. 109.
-■-^b::
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 321
subservient to their power;" a people "enveloped
in superstition;" aristocratic clergy and long-faced
preachers with a holier-than-thou air. The state
was said to be priest-ridden, with every minister
lording it over the commoner who had decided to
make his living other than by preaching. It was
pointed out how they controlled the college, which
was administered by clerical or lay Congregational-
ists, and taught by a faculty chosen from the faith-
ful. Ministers made of commencement their gather-
ing, banqueting at the scholars* expense. The
clerical control of the school system, with Senator
Hillhouse supervising the school fund, was not
overlooked. Men questioned why the clergy should
be active at the polls or assemble on General Elec-
tion Day from all parts of the state, to take a leading
part in the ceremonies.*'
While the excessive number of clergy was inti-
mated, this fact was not emphasized to the extent
that one would expect. Statistics could have been
used to advantage in strengthening the contention
that nowhere was the actual ratio of ministers to
communicants higher.*® This is not to be won-
dered at with the ministry so revered, compara-
tively prosperous, and with few rival professional
opportunities.*^
••Note, p. 331.
^^ Rev. Eliphalet Pearson, in a sermon at Boston, Oct. 26, 1815,
estimated one minister to every thousand of population as ideal, happy
in his oblivion of dissenters. Courant, Mar. 5, 1816. The Mercury
(Mar. 26, 1807) felt that 228 Congregational clergy were quite enough.
** Dwight denied that the clergy were forced to farm, save in the
new settlements. Travels, IV, 436. With the dbposal of parish glebe
322 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
The political power of the clergy was contested,
for some were charged with providing for their
sons and sons-in-law, while supposed to be at the
Lord's work. It was said that men could not rise
without their support and favor, to gain which men
must be their followers or hypocrites. Bishop
thought that nowhere was religious hypocrisy so
certain a stepping-stone to political position." It
was carefully noted that those in high places were
closely associated with the ministry. Gov. John
Cotton Smith was the son of a clergyman. Senator
S. W. Dana was a clergyman's son, as were Chaun-
cey Goodrich, Elizur Goodrich, Tapping Reeve,
Thomas Day, John Trumbull and innumerable
others. Calvin Goddard married a clergyman's
daughter. Samuel Pitkin was a deacon. Gov.
John Treadwell wrote tracts. Theodore Dwight,
Enoch Perkins and Walter Edwards were described
as under clerical control. Such a list could easily
be extended by the local genealogist, but for cam-
paign purposes the Republicans felt that they had
sufficient material without extending their re-
searches. The opposition would have found a
much harder task in listing men of political im-
lands after 1810, their lot became harder. Beecher feared that Gospel-
preaching was secondary to farming in many cases. **The man," he
said, "has become a thriving farmer, an able schoolmaster, a sagacious
speculator, but has long since ceased to be a faithful minister of Jesus
Christ." Sermon (1814), pp. 12 fif. Salaries averaged $500 in 1817.
Couraniy Nov. 11, 1817. Dwight knew of few under $250, and be-
lieved $400 usual. Travels^ IV, 403. Rev. Ralph Emerson received
$700. Crissey, Norfolk, p. 157.
** Address (1801), p. 68.
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 323
portance who were not immediate relatives of
clergymen. They could only contend that the Re-
publicans were new men, of little character and
no family, but with decided official aspirations. For,
while the Republican argument was over-stressed,
there was sufficient basis for every charge.
Rev. Lyman Beecher frankly disclosed clerical
politics in describing the meeting in Judge Bald-
win's office to establish a society for **the Suppres-
sion of Vice and Promotion of Good Morals." He
wrote :
That was a new thing in that day for the clergy and lay-
man to meet on the same level and co-operate ....
The ministers had always managed things themselves, for
in those days the ministers were all politicians. They had
always been used to it from the beginning. On election
day they had a festival. All the clergy used to go, walk in
procession, smoke pipes, and drink. And, fact is when
they got together, they would talk over who should be gov-
ernor, and who lieutenant-governor and who in the upper
house, and their counsels would prevail.
He saw the failure of Federalism in the way
David Daggett '*wire-worked** Roger Griswold over
the clerical, favorite, straight-laced Puritan, Tread-
well. It was "rank rebellion against the minis-
terial candidate.'* The lawyers said, he went on:
'*We have served the clergy long enough; we
must take another man, and let them take care of
themselves.'**' A better description of the clerical
** Autobiography y I, 259-261; see also p. 257, a letter to Rev. Asabel
Hooker (Nov. 24, 1812), urging that all friends aid before our privi-
leges are lost piece-meal, and that Theodore Dwight be seen. Cf.
Beardsley, Episcopal Churchy II, 160. Miss Greene well describes their
324 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
caucus could not be demanded, nor from one who
knew the situation better.
Judge Samuel Church, a member of the Tolera-
tion party, in a well-considered statement of judicial
tone written about 1850, gave his view of the
position of the clergy of the Standing Order prior
to 1818:
The whole influence of the State from the beginning had
been confined to the Clergy of the Congregational Churches
and their adherents. Their influence controlled the elections.
Their annual meetings at the election season at Hartford
were holden for this and for no other purpose. Appoint-
ments to oflSce were not suggested by Caucuses as at pres-
ent, but by a mutual consultation between the Clergy and
the party [Federalist] poUticians.**
Beecher's Autobiography makes obvious the politi-
cal activity of the Moral Society. This, it may be
added, was the case with the Missionary Society,
the Connecticut Bible Society, the New England
Tract Society, the Domestic Missionary Society
for Connecticut and vicinity, the Ministers' Annuity
Society and the Charitable Society. All were "re-
ligious institutions," but were charged with being
politico-religious in their purposes.** The con-
influence over voting: "The clergy of the establishment would get
together and talk matters over before the elections, and the parish
minister would endeavor to direct his people's vote according to his
opinion of what was best for the commonwealth." Religious Liberty,
p. 402; cf. ibid.y pp. 435 fif.
** Church Ms.
** Propagation of Federalism rather than the Gospel was said to be
their object. Mercury ^ July 2, 1801; Apr. 10, 1806. The Vermont
Gazette reported: "The wolves in sheeps' clothing thrust forth by his
holiness, Pope Dwight .... get few hearts and less thanks in
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 325
nection between church and state was evidenced
by every one of them. The Bible Society and
Ministers' Annuity Society met annually at
Hartford on Election Day. As the clergy were
there, it proved an excellent opportunity to trans-
act religious as well as civil business. The leaders
in these societies were the ruling men of the state.
Their lay trustees were Federalist bosses. No
Republican appeared on their boards, hence Re-
publicans must logically have been irreligious.
Calvin Chapin and Samuel Goodrich were leading
members of the correspondence committee of the
Bible Society, of which John Cotton Smith, General
Jedidiah Huntington, Henry Hudson of the Courant,
Daniel Wadsworth, Samuel Pitkin, Chauncey Good-
rich, Theodore D wight and John Davenport were
among the lay directors. The Domestic Mission-
ary Society, besides clergymen like Lyman Beecher,
had as trustees and officers Daniel Wadsworth,
Timothy Dwight, Jedidiah Huntington, Henry
Hudson, Samuel Pitkin, Enoch Perkins, Andrew
Kingsbury, Jonathan Brace and Aaron Austin.
Vermont." "The leaders of Democracy have for a long time railed
at our rulers, our clergy, & our college, but we did not suppose that
they would venture publicly to denounce an institution whose object
it is to suppress vice and inunorality, or a society whose only object
it is, without regard to sect, or nation, to place the pure work of truth
and light into every hand within reach. Yet such is the deadly hos-
tility of these professed friends of toleration to the religion of their
fathers that they cannot even tolerate a society who would endeavor
to discountenance vice and immorality much less an institution which
would disseminate the mild principles of the Gospel of peace; and these
seem to be the principal benefits they expect will result from a change
of rulers in Connecticut." Courantf Mar. 19, 1816.
iTf — — ••- — ^ijfct- -■— *■ ^ -^ ^ m, m - If T~35J^B»^?^S^8j
326 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
The Connecticut branch of the New England Tract
Society had a corresponding committee composed of
Jedidiah Huntington, John Treadwell and Calvin
Chapin. The Moral Society was under a chosen
few: John Treadwell, ex-president; Simeon Bald-
win, president; Tapping Reeve, Roger Sherman,
Thomas Day, General Jedidiah Huntington, Speaker
Sylvanus Backus, William Perkins, John Caldwell,
and Ezra Brainerd, leaders.*^
A glance at these names is enough. They repre-
sented Connecticut's patricians, governors, repre-
sentatives, councilors, and commercial leaders.
Associated with them were powerful clergymen.
While they worked together, as they did until
Treadwell's fall, the party of church and state was
supreme. A more complete interlocking of leaders
and families would be hard to picture. This the
Republicans recognized, and struggled against,
long but successfully. Such an alinement could
not last for ever.
Up to 1815 one might write with a greater de-
gree of truth than epigrams generally bear, that
Connecticut's preachers were politicians, and her
politicians preachers. With the failure of the
Hartford Convention which Dr. Strong of Hart-
ford opened with prayer, and the waning hopes
of Federalism, they became more careful not to an-
tagonize the nationalist party destined sooner or
later to rule the state.*'
^ Lists in Almanack and Register,
^^ Their connection with the Hartford Convention cast a deep
cloud over the Congregational clergy. A day of prayer had been
set aside for the success of the convention. Courantj Dec 20, 1814.
Baptists denied tolling their bell on that day. Ibid., Nov. 2Z» 1814.
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 327
Aside from its perfect organization, the Federalist
party had an immense advantage in its eminent
respectability. This indeed offered a contrast to
the ill-repute of the opposition party. In charac-
terizing Republicanism as immoral, irreligious, and
lowly, they took the shrewdest way of hindering
its success among a people so bound by convention.
Had the Republican party been considered respect-
able, there is reason to believe that the Episcopalians
would not have hesitated in joining much earlier.
Nor would the luke-warm, non-covenanted member
of a Congregational society have been so timorous
in adhering to the reform party.
The charge that irreligious men were Republi-
cans was well founded. That all Republicans were
opposed to religion in their hostility to an establish-
ment was false.*^ All dissenters, save Episcopalians,
could be described as Republicans by 1803. Hence
Republicanism was regarded as political dissent.
Half-truths fired at high velocity had their effect.
For the tenets of individual members rather than
for its principles, the organization was held respon-
sible. Calvinists were religious men who followed
in the steps of their fathers. Hence Federalists
who were largely Calvinists were "godly men, of
sober, solid, and steady habits.*' In their number
were to be found practically every Congregational
minister, nearly every lawyer of repute, most phy-
sicians, every member of the Yale faculty, and all
leaders in business. Republicanism appealed only
*• Note. p. 331
c- *.-
328 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
to the laboring element, the lower or lower-middle
classes, as they would be termed in the semi-En-
glish social life of the time. Its members might
or might not be unsteady men ; but they were poor
and unorthodox. Dissent is seldom respectable,
and poverty and labor were only theoretically
honorable.
Judge Church well described the orthodox at-
titude toward the Democratic party:
The real truth was as I know from n^ own observation
that the Republican party in this State, from the election
of Mr. Jefferson to the Revolution of 1817, was treated as
a degraded party and this extended to all individuals of the
party however worthy or respectable in fact, as the Saxons
were treated and considered by the Normans, As the Irish
were treated by the English Government. This was seen
and felt by many good men among the federalists and created
a sympathy bye and bye which operated with other causes.**
Republican politicians, with exceptions, were men
of little standing in the community. They were
described, and not without some tinge of justice,
as lawyers of uncertain practice and dubious
morality ; as holders of federal patronage; as "mush-
room candidates" and self-seeking demagogues
who were deluding the ignorant vote. They were
not of the elect, old ruling families, but new men
rising up from the people under improving oppor-
tunities. This too was at first disadvantageous
to the party, because of the hereditary, bred-in-the-
bone British feeling that leaders must be of a class
apart and above the rank and file. Like Crom-
" Church Ms.
ll^
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 329
well's Puritan Ironsides, they desired to be led
only by gentlemen. Republican leaders were re-
garded as anything but gentlemen, until national
success and the Episcopalian adhesion forced the
admission. The stigma removed, their success was
assured. Respectability could no longer be re-
garded as Federalist.
Some of the typical descriptions of Republicans
are worthy of note. Bishop cynically depicted
them as **poor ragged demo<drats" who should pray
forgiveness from **ye well-fed, well-dressed, chariot-
lolling, caucus-keeping, levee-revelling federalists."*®
Lyman Beecher observed that * 'democracy as it
rose, included nearly all the minor sects, besides
the Sabbath-breakers, rum-selling, tippling folk,
infidels, and ruff -scuff generally, and made a deadly
set at us of the Standing Order.'* Jonathan Bird,
in his sermon, drew upon St. Paul's epistle to
Timothy in order, by inference, to picture his
Republican fellow-citizens as selfish men, boasters,
proud blasphemers, disobedient to parents, in-
continent men, and truce breakers.*^ Democracy
and debasement of manners were pleasantly linked
together. Like a whirlwind, spinning on its little
€nd and drawing all leaves, chaff, rotten wood and
light trumpery was Jacobinical democracy. The
Tammany tribes could only be paralleled with the
Terrorists at their worst. One writer asked: **Are
Connecticut Democrats better, or more virtuous
than those in New York? If they are, the Lord
»o Bishop, Oration (1800), pp. 45-46.
*^ Discourse f Apr. 11, 1803, especially p. 13.
Z^- *■ *; -■■
330 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
have mercy on New York." On learning that
Virginia had retired five or six Republican Con-
gressmen, the editor declared: "Ignorance and vice
are losing ground."'* Ames spoke for every parti-
san Federalist when he wrote to Thomas Dwight,
saying: "Democracy is a troubled spirit, fated
never to rest, and whose dreams, if it sleeps, present
only visions of hell."*' Robbins could write: "This
town is very little infested with Democrats."'*
Disparaging remarks, personalities, insulting in-
ferences were the order of the day.'* It is hard to
account for the rancor of the attacks on the part
of sober, conservative men, even though the attitude
of the time toward party as a faction is appreciated.
Nor is it possible to believe leader or follower en-
tirely honest. Both were carried away by a parti-
san zeal which saw any course justified in striking
down evil.
•» Courant, Apr. 1, 1807; Nov. 14, 1810; May 15, 1811.
** Fisher Ames, I, 337.
^ Diary, I, 141.
"A stanza from Theodore D wight's hymn **Ye ragged throng of
Democrats'' expresses the depths to which prime Federalists would
descend.
"Behold a motley crew
Comes crowding o'er the green,
Of every shape and hue
Complexion, form and mien,
With deaf 'ning noise.
Drunkards and whores
And rogues in scores
They all rejoice."
FEDERAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 331
NOTE
Republican Hostility to the Clergy
Anticlericalism became a chief Republican plank. Every party
organ echoed it, but none so loudly as the Mercury whose editor was
forced to pay a $1,000 libel judgment to Rev. Dan Huntington. See
Jan. 7, 1808; Feb. 7, 1814. Republican papers outside the state
like the Watch Tower ^ Cobbett's Register, the Baltimore 5m», vied with
the Connecticut papers in heaping abuse on the ministers of the Stand-
ding Order. There is especially valuable material in Morse, Federalist
Party, pp. 116-139, 220, and in Robinson, Jeffersonian Democracy, pp.
129 ff.
There is no bettef way of arriving at the Republican attitude than
by noticing a few characteristic toasts given at their celebrations:
"The virtuous clergy of all Christian denominations;" "The Clergy —
May they be taught to rely on the Olive Branch of the Cross; not on
the Sword of the Crescent;" "Those who preach for the flock, not
for the fleece;" "Our brethren in Tripoli and Connecticut — May the
former be freed from Pirates and the latter from Priest-craft;" "The
Clergy of all Denominations — the Bible their constitution, their politics
religion;" "Give the people more Bibles, and let them buy their own
pamphlets;" "The Pulpit for the priest not for the politician." Mer-
cury, July 9, 1801; July 15, 22, 1802; July 25, Sept. 5, 1805; July 30,
1807; Mar. 16, 1809.
Republicans invariably denied the charge of atheism while boasting
their hatred of an establishment. The following are typical toasts
expressive of this attitude: " Religion — May the noble institution never
be debased to the vile purpose of enslaving mankind;" "Genuine
Christianity — May its ministers remember that their kingdom is not
of this world;" " Religion — We love it in its purity, but not as an engine
of political delusion;" "Federal Religion and Peter Pindar*s Razors —
All cheap, made to sell;" "Religion — That which inculcates virtue and
morality; not the political religion, which inculcates sedition against
the Government of our Country;" "Federal Religion — May it soon
become Christian;" "Church and State united — The comer stone on
which Satan builds his fabric of infidelity." With this they guaran-
teed the clergy their support as soon as religious men divorced them-
selves from politics. Mercury, July 9, Aug. 27, 1801; July 4, 1802;
July 4, Aug. 4, 1803; July 19, 1804; Mar. 4, 1805, etc.
CHAPTER VIII
Success of the Reform Party
A REPUBLICAN-EPISCOPALIAN meeting of
-^^ citizens from various parts of the state was
held at New Haven on February 21, 1816.^ The
intention was to establish the party of opposition
on a basis which would conciliate the various fac-
tions, and bridge over denominational intolerance.
Elijah Boardman withdrew his name in favor of
Oliver Wolcott and Jonathan Ingersoll, who were
unanimously selected to run respectively for gover-
nor and lieutenant governor. The ticket soon was
labeled the American Ticket or the American
Toleration and Reform Ticket.^ American in this
instance signified no nativist bigotry, but was used
to describe the national spirit of the party.
The choice of Oliver Wolcott was a surprise.
Yet it was proof that Republicanism had fused
into the broader American party. As the son and
grandson of a governor, and brother-in-law of
Chauncey Goodrich, he represented the "best
blood" of the state. After graduating from Yale
in 1778, he prepared for the bar at the Litchfield
Law School. During the Revolution he served
as a minute-man, but refused a continental com-
mission. A firm Federalist, friend of Washington,
Jay, Ellsworth, Cabot and others high in that
> Mercury, Feb. 27; Hartford Times, Feb. 25; Courani, Apr. 2, 1816.
* Mercury, Max. 5; Courant, Mar. 26, 1816.
332
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 333
party, he was appointed Comptroller of the Cur-
rency at the suggestion of Hamilton. While Secre-
tary of the Treasury he was subjected to furious
Republican attacks, even being charged with burn-
ing the Treasury Building to conceal his misappro-
priation of the public moneys. A House committee
of investigation reported their inability to obtain
evidence. Democrats failed to credit Wolcott's de-
fense pamphlet. The political charges were prob-
ably unfounded, for on returning from office in
1800 he was said to be poor.' Wolcott was be-
lieved to have refused the presidency of the United
States Bank. John Adams, whose renomination
he had opposed, named him Judge of the United
States Circuit Court for Connecticut, Vermont
and New York. On the repeal of the Judiciary
Act, he engaged in a mercantile business in New
York. In 1803 he became president of the new
Merchants' Bank. In 18 12 he put his whole
capital into the newly established Bank of America,
of which he was elected president. Two years later
he resigned because of his political differences with
the directorate. His next venture was as an in-
corporator, with his brother Frederick,* of the
Wolcottville manufacturing concern. In 181 5 he
returned to make his home in Litchfield. From
then until the time of his nomination for governor,
* Mercury, Feb. 5, 25, 1801; Sept. 9, 1802; Aurora, Feb. 13, 1801;
Rilboume, Sketches, pp. 35-36. See Wolcott, "An Address to the
People of the United States" (1802).
* Graduate of Yale, 1786; judge of probate in Litchfield County;
councilor, 1810-1819; then in state senate. Kilboume, Sketches, pp.
132-135.
334 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
he gave his whole attention to fostering manu-
factures and agriculture.
His enthusiastic support of thfe war caused a
breach with his former political associates,* and
won Republican praise. At the time of his nomi-
nation, the American Mercury, once foremost among
his detractors, lauded him as a man of honor and
integrity whose whole career would bear the
keenest scrutiny. • In matters religious he was
tolerant, for experience had counteracted the
effects of his early training. His orthodoxy was
dubious, happily so for his political hopes. As a
manufacturer he appealed to the class whose
capital was invested in industry. As a gentlenlan
agriculturist he gained the farmers' good-will.
He was a scholar of a poetic turn and a friend of
Yale. Wolcott might be a political apostate,'
yet he was moderately conservative. He was a
compromise between the old order and the new;
an ideal man to work out the state's transition. •
Judge Jonathan Ingersoll, a New Haven lawyer
of lucrative practice, was a fortunate choice for
second place. • Not a word could be breathed
^ His support had been active, addressing war meetings and the like.
Mercury, Aug. 23, 1814; Mar. 26, 1816.
•/Wrf., Mar. 19, July 9, 1816; Feb. 11, Mar. 25, 1817; Nerof Haven
Register, Feb. 11, 1817.
^ Couraniy Apr. 2, 1816.
' Additional biographical data may be found in Dexter, Biographical
Sketches, IV, 82 ff.; Stokes, Memorials, II, 189 ff.; Kilboume, Sketches,
pp. 24 ff.; Norton, Governors, pp. 149-157; campaign sketches. Mercury,
Mar. 26, 1816, and Courant, Mar. 18, Apr. 1, 1817; Fisher, Silliman,
I, 197; Gibbs, Memoirs, I, 11.
'Biographical material in Trumbull, Historical Notes, pp. 37-38;
campaign sketches in Mercury, Mar. 26, Apr. 2, 16, 1816.
SUCCESS OP THE REFORM PARTY 335
against his character; Federalists did not even
attempt it. They regarded him as one of them-
selves, who could not be endorsed lest it shatter
the party organization. They pointed to his pre-
vious offices as evidence of their tolerance. How-
ever, his selection for assistant Stiles assigned to
a combination of deists, sectaries and Episco-
palians.*^ Republicans claimed their vote had
elected him over Griswold" to the supreme court.
A prominent Episcopalian, senior trustee of the
Bishop's Fund, he was expected to bring the dis-
satisfied Episcopalians into the reorganized party.
Republicans charged the Federalists with opposi-
tion to him because of his creed, but the Courant edi-
torially asserted that surely this could have no
effect on the freemen's decision."
Smith, by virtue of the steady habit of renomi-
nation, was again candidate for governor. In a
coquettish way, the Courant half guiltily offered
for second place the name of Calvin Goddard.
It w;as still hard for Federalists candidly to an-
nounce a ballot, because of the old steady pretense
that only the freemen should nominate."
Like Smith, Goddard was of the old school."
A graduate of Dartmouth, he studied law and prac-
ticed at Plainfield and Norwich. From 1795 to
1 801 he represented Plainfield in the Legislature at
least eight times. Twice he served as speaker.
" Diary, IH, 546.
" Mercury, Apr. 16, 1816.
^Coiirani, Mar. 26, Apr. 2 1816.
"/W(/., Mar. 4, 1816.
M Oilman, Norwich, pp. 116-117; Mercury, Mar. 12, 19, 26, 1816.
536
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
From 1801 to 1805 he served his district in Con-
gress. Later he won a place on the Council, which
he resigned in 181 5 to become a judge of the su-
preme court and superior court of errors. While
an assistant he also acted as state's attorney for
New London County, and as mayor of Norwich.
Membership in the Hartford Convention was his
only vulnerable spot. However, he represented the
office-holding class, serving as a personal illustration
of plural office-holding, the correlation of the de-
partments and of a dependent judiciary. A wealthy
manufacturer, he was regarded as one who could
appeal to the shipping and manufacturing interests
just as John Cotton Smith would to the agricultural.
Party principles were fairly definitely stated in
1 81 6. They were essentially local rather than
national. The issues were determined by the
opposition with a view to draw together the vari-
ous factions making up the Toleration party.*'
Their cry was for ecclesiastical reform. The
national administration did not need Connecticut's
support, hence its merits were not stressed. Men
were advised to look toward their own hearths
and altars. Let them inquire if all denominations
were equal ; or if one denomination had not usurped
control over others, questioned their ministry and
oppressed their members. Were equal advantages
given in the college and schools? Whose minis-
ters preached election sermons and received all
honors? Episcopal clergymen, and once even a
Baptist elder, had been invited to pray with the
" Mercury, Mar. 5, 12, 19, 26, Apr. 2, 1816.
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 337
Assembly, but never to preach. Are Episcopalians
to be placated by merely making Good Friday the
fast day? Are not the Charitable, Bible and
Moral Societies, under the protection of Judge
Reeve, John Cotton Smith, and Treadwell, politi-
cal supporters of the establishment? The present
laws "have a strong tendency to produce an un-
natural and adulterous connection between church
and state." Their change will be deplored, as in
the case of the Ephesians, by those financially
interested. Yet it was observed that this "would
tend to remove that puritanic cant in our con-
versation, and that hypocritical deceit in our con-
duct, which render us a bye-word in our neighbor-
ing states, and which are said to give us a resem-
blance to the soldiers of Oliver Cromwell . . .
would destroy that violent struggle between the
desire to appear pious and the desire to obtain a
good bargain. **^«
Tolerationists denied any hostility to religion or
any desire to interfere with the rights of conscience.
In their opposition to an establishment lay the
chief difference between them and the Federalists,
who made this a cardinal principle. The Toleration
party did not allow the force of their position to be
lost in statement, though on the whole it was a
fair summary of actual grievances. Federalists
could not refute the charge. Their denial was
ineflfective, for, in the words of the Connecticut
^* Mercury y Mar. 5, 1816. The New Haven Register said: "If episco»
pacy was the road to power, the episcopal churches would be crowded."
In Mercury, Mar. 26.
338 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
countryman, the majority '"lowed there must be
some fire where there was so much smoke.'
The question of a new constitution was not
overlooked. A list of governmental reforms was
advocated. Among those stressed were: the
method of electing councilors and congressmen;
the non-representative character of presidential
electors; an antiquated system of taxation which
weighed heavily on the poor; militia exceptions;
the expediency of creating money corporations;
and especially the suffrage requirements. The
secrecy of the Legislature, with its debates un-
published, save occasionally in abstract, was com-
plained of because it made investigation so diffi-
cult. This listing of reforms was found to be less
terrifying to the freeman than a call for a con-
vention. Charges of corruption were made. At
the last moment, as an electioneering move, an
account of Federalist maladministration to the
extent of $50,000 was widely published.
The Federalist platform was negative. Federal-
ist writers were busy with denials. They were
chagrined at the defection of the Episcopalians,
who were being deceived by Republican promises
to combine with men irreligious at heart. They
pointed to the extravagance of the national admin-
istration — war, loans, taxes, debts and high sal-
aries — asking if Democrats would conserve the
school-fund. All men were counseled to uphold
the holy institutions of their fathers by voting the
"Connecticut Ticket.*'''
" Courant, Mar. 26, Apr. 2, 1816.
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 339
The campaign was aggressively waged. The
Tolerationists made use of town committees to
enroll freemen and bring them to the polls. Rich
and poor, townsmen and countrymen were asked
to try **the Long Pull, the Strong Pull and the
Pull Together*' for Wolcott and Ingersoll and
Toleration. Federalists depended upon their
secret, invisible machine of office-holders and
settled ministers.
Smith was elected, with 11,386 votes as com-
pared to Wolcott's 10,170. Goddard ran behind
his party with only 8,635 votes to Ingersoll's
10,494.^* The Hartford Convention had proven
his downfall, as it did that of other delegates in
their states.^' Otherwise, IngersoU's creed would
have meant his defeat. Sundry circumstances af-
ord an interesting study Close scrutiny of the
eight counties of Connecticut will demonstrate
beyond peradventure that sectarian towns were
Tolerationist strongholds. Fairfield County voted
for Toleration by over two to one. New Lon-
don did about as well. Even in Litchfield
the minority was a large one. New Haven and
Middlesex, while giving Smith majorities, turned
in favor of Ingersoll. Tolland was fairly evenly
divided, while Windham remained Federalist by
« Ibid., May 14, 1816; NUes* Register, X, 128, 195.
^* "New York Federalists used as an argtiment for the election of
Rufus King, that he was not a member of the Hartford Convention."
Mercury, May 28, 1816. The Vermont American, in connection with
the defeat of the " Conventionists," asked: ''Where is the blustering,
menacing, the insolent, and ultimately the creeping and recreant Hart-
ford Convention?" In Mercury, May 21, 1816.
340 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
a heavy majority. The large towns and the ship-
ping centers were with the new party. The Epis-
copalians, as Rev. Thomas Robbins feared, had
indeed made "trouble in the state."*"
In the Legislature the Tolerationists made a
good showing, electing about eighty-five represen-
tatives, seven more than the Republican maxi-
mum.*^ The city of Hartford for the first time
failed to return Federalists. This proved true
after it had been predicted that Jeffersonian
Democracy, the legitimate daughter of French
Democracy, might linger a few years, but —
fatally sick — ^would follow its mother to an early
grave. Federalists accounted for the result only
in sectarian, factious bigotry and the slavish dis-
cipline of Democrats to their political hierarchy.
Rev. Abel Flint begged the legislators to rise
above party and consider themselves God's agents
to restrain the wicked and preserve unimpaired
"those civil and religious institutions for which
the state is so long and justly celebrated.""
The campaign charge of legislative corruption
resulted in a minor reform. The Council blocked
the publication of semi-annual financial reports,
by means of which Tolerationists hoped to show
financial deficits, despite the fiscal talent of the
Treasurer, Kingsbury. However, transcripts were
«• Diary, I, 664. See Courant, Apr. 2, 1816; Rev. Dr. Shelton, Mem-
oir of Rev. Philo Shelton of Fairfield, in Sprague, Annals of American
Pulpit, V, 351.
^Mercury, Apr. 16; Courant, Jan. 23, Apr. 16, 1816; Robbins,
Diary, 1, 664.
^Courant, Apr. 30.
SUCCESS OP THE REFORM PARTY 341
allowed to be made and printed under certain
regulations. 2* Apparently in the past the budget
had been kept " a profound secret from the public."
Thus a wedge was driven into the autocratic
secrecy with which the people's money was handled.
An organized campaign against the Council was
inaugurated in the summer of 1816. The Tolera-
tion party, assured of success in the state offices
and in the Legislature, made a determined assault
on the Council, which had long been regarded as
the keystone of the Federalist system and the bul-
wark of reaction. It was in especially bad grace
because of the refusal in May to publish the
comptroller's accounts and the veto of a bill pro-
viding for a two-year issue of bank paper, to the
amount of one-third the bank's capital, in order to
relieve the lack of circulating medium.^*
A series of articles by "Cato" reviewed the
Council's history.^* He proposed to consider if
seven superannuated men should rule the state,
negativing the bills of the people's representatives.
Yet he felt:
That for years past, and more especially at the present
time, the will of the Council has b^n and is the supreme
law of the state, [and] no one, who has the least acquaint-
ance with that species of ministerial policy and management
by which the state is govemed, will pretend to deny.
The difficulty of investigating the source of its
powers was insuperable, for they were based not
» Mercury, May 28, June 4, 1816.
** Mercury, June 18, 1816.
»Ibid., July 30, Aug. 6, 13, 20, 1816.
342 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
upon the Charter, but upon the implied assent of
the people. Custom gave no preference to either
House, even in money bills. Yet their powers
were by no means co-equal. Like the British
Lords, the assistants were best suited to a royal
foundation. They were restrained only by pru-
dential considerations. Their tenure was secure;
unlike judges, they could not even be impeached.
They were responsible for the militia controversy
and largely for the Hartford Convention. Cato
recalled the half-forgotten desire for a written con-
stitution as the only means of defining the Coun-
cil's position. He saw no difficulty in drafting a
constitution in a country having no legally recog-
nized classes.
The question of religious toleration still re-
mained the central issue. The opposition party
described itself as a union of all parties and all
sects, who detested political Congregationalism
and who believed that even dissenters should
receive equal privileges and a fair share of offices.*'
Federalists described Republican-Episcopalians
as certificate-Episcopalians of no influence. Again,
they appealed to the friends of Washington to
protect the legacies of the fathers.
Toleration politicians played a shrewd game in
the September elections.*^ In order to break the
** New Haven Register^ quoted in Mercury^ Aug. 27, 1816. See
CourarUy Aug. 20. "The government is and has been for a long time
a combination of men of one sect in politics and one sect in religion,
firmly bent on their own promotion and relying on the union of Church
and State to bear down all opposition." Mercury^ Sept. 10, 1816.
^Albany Advertiser , quoted in Caurantf June 18, 1816; Mercury,
Sept. 10, Oct. 22, 1816.
SUCCESS OP THE REFORM PARTY 343
Federalist hold on Congress, they supported the
last candidates on the Federalist list, one of whom
at least, Charles Denison, was an Episcopalian.
In this way five new men were elected to Congress,
only two being returned. As the newly elected men
were only nominal Federalists, it meant really a
Toleration victory. In the case of the assistants,
both parties had official lists, with the Episcopalians,
Asa Chapman and Dr. Johnson, on both lists.
That they drew the churchmen's vote was attested
by their leading the list with 12,498 and 13,149
votes respectively, whereas Sherman received only
9,377, and the Republican, Tomlinson, won the
twentieth place with 7,686 votes. Tolerationists
could claim that three of their men were nominated.
The contest for representatives was keen. Hart-
ford cast 804 votes, by rounding up over a hun-
dred new freemen or negligent voters through the
efforts of ward leaders. Federalists were returned as
of old. This rounding-up of voters was so success-
ful that similar steps were taken by both parties
in other towns.** In the Assembly Tolerationists
numbered about eighty-seven to one hundred and
fourteen Federalists. This session selected presi-
dential electors, Ingersoll being successful, but
Wolcott failing with only eighty-eight votes. His
vote offered a practical test of the party's strength.**
That the Federalists were worried, their con-
ciliatory policy in the October session amply
demonstrated. In no other way can one account
^•Courant, Sept. 17, Dec. 17, 1816; Mercury, Sept. 24, 1816.
" Mercury, Nov. 5, 1816.
344 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
for the passage of the Bonus Act than as a political
move to conciliate t^ disgruntled dissenter. This
was *'An Act for the support of Literature and
Religion," appropriating the sum of $14,500 due
from the national government for disbursements
made for military defense in the late war.*" It
provided that one-third should be distributed
among the Congregational societies in proportion
to their tax lists; one-seventh to the trustees of the
Bishop's Fund ; an eighth to the Baptists, through
a committee of trustees named by the Legislature ;
a twelfth to Methodist trustees similarly appointed ;
a seventh to Yale College; and the remainder, of
about a sixth, to remain in the treasury. It was
a compromise act in the guise of religious philan-
thropy. Federalist leaders hoped to win back
the Episcopalians with this donation to the Bish-
op's Fund in lieu of their share of the Phoenix
Bank bonus, out of which they believed themselves
defrauded. The college could not fail to be satis-
fied, after having received the largess of $20,000
from the Phoenix fund. The donation to the
minor sects could not have been expected to do
more than placate them and incidentally to dem-
onstrate the fairness and broad toleration of the
rulers. Compromises seldom satisfy, and the
Bonus Act proved no exception.
No group was pleased. Even the Congre-
^ Public Laws (1808-1819), p. 279; Trumbull, Historical Notes, p. 36;
HoUister, Connecticut^ II, 515; Beardsley, Episcopal Church, II, 123,
161; Courantf Apr. 1, 1817. It was described as ''An act to encourage
Episcopalians to vote for us — to increase the salaries of the faculties
of Yale College, etc." Mercury , Mar. 4, 1817.
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 345
gationalists felt that they had not received their
full share. To be officially rated, as if they
amounted to only a third of the population, was
not flattering. The Episcopalians were not to be
so easily conciliated, for they did not regard this
grant as fairly apportioned or as a restitution for
the failure of their bonus. Federalism could not
satisfy them, for the new party was too willing to
further their interests. Yet they did not fail to
accept their share, which was invested in gilt-edged
bank stock.'^ Baptists and Methodists voiced
dissatisfaction in harsh protests.'^ They believed
that the Legislature had violated decorum in
appointing their trustees, some of whom refused
to serve. They rated themselves as more numer-
ous than the Episcopalians, who shared largely
in Federalist good-will. To accept their quotas
would be inconsistent with professions of no state
aid for religion, no forced contributions for Gospel
support. The Baptists, Methodists and Episco-
palians of Andover united in protest against the
political trickery of the act. The Goshen Metho-
dists resolved that they desired no state aid from
those who considered them wandering lunatics.
Burlington Methodists refused it as an insulting
bribe; the Baptists of Groton and New Haven
objected to such aid. Preston and Danbury pro-
tested in town meetings.
At first both Methodists and Baptists disdain-
fully refused the donation, but the conflict between
" Hart, Episcopal Bankj pp. 4, 5, 11.
» Courant, Jan. 21, 1817; Mercury, Nov. 12, 19, Dec. 24, 1816; Jan.
7, 21, Mar. 11, 25, 1817; Greene, Religious Liberty, pp. 468 ff.
346 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
principle and interest was of short duration. In
February, 1818, the Methodist trustees, protest-
ing against the amount, agreed to accept the
money rather than allow it to remain in the treas-
ury. Their action was censured by many of the
denomination. The New Haven and Granby soci-
eties went so far as to petition the Legislature
to be allowed to return their share to the treasury .
which was readily granted. The Baptist trustees
did not accept their share until June, 1820." In
defense of the humbler sectaries, it can be said
that they did not benefit by the grant until after
the severance of the church and state connection.
The result of the act was an increase in sectarian
bickerings. As a political bribe it brought dis-
grace upon the party offering it and served Repub-
licans to prove Federalist corruption. The attempt
failed in everything save in convincing the opposi-
tion that Federalism was fearful of its downfall.
Oliver Wolcott and Jonathan Ingersoll were
again the Toleration candidates. The Federalists
named Smith and Ingersoll, hoping thereby to
prevent a definitive Episcopalian break, to blur
past memories, and to win back the substantial
Episcopalian. The April, 181 7, campaign was
vigorously conducted, for it was generally felt that
the political crisis had been reached. Toleration-
is ts were hopeful; Federalists were depressed, yet
fighting hard.*^
"Trumbull, Historical Notes, p. 36; Mercury , Feb. 17, Mar. 3, June
16, 1818.
*^Courantf Mar. 4, 11, Apr. 1; Mercury, Mar. 11, 1817; Robbins,
Diary, I, 699.
SUCCESS OP THE REFORM PARTY 347
The Toleration party again featured its policies
of church separation and no ** religious test" for
office.** Reform, they warned, would not be dan-
gerous. They announced: ** Sovereignty belonged
to the people and offices were not held in fee sim-
ple." The secret handling of the state's finances
was again attacked. Appropriations and disburse-
ments were made in a way to puzzle a lawyer, as
the recently issued reports were so artfully specious
as to be worthless. TTie whole system of taxation
was reviewed. No state, it was said, suffered from
higher or more unequal taxes. Land still remained
the chief source of taxation ; newer forms of wealth,
capital, stock, and bank shares were not listed,
or if so, at a low rate. In this way, the farmer
paid about three times his rightful share, for a
twenty-dollar cow was taxed as much as $233
worth of bank stock and a two-thousand dollar
farm as high as $50,000 in money or stock. Argu-
ments of this nature were listened to by the farm-
ers, already discontented with their lot. As a
parting campaign shot the story was printed that
the state, being deeply in debt, would levy an
assessment of ten cents on the dollar. This cam-
paign lie was not without results despite Treasurer
Kingsbury's sharp denial. Men were not allowed
to forget the Hartford Convention or the aristo-
cratic rule of the Council."
*The New Haven Register saw Federalists "feeling their way to
office through the broad alleys of their meeting houses." Quoted in
Mercury, Feb. 25, 1817.
^Mercury and Courani, March-April, ^sim.
348 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Chairman Hillhouse issued the Federalist state-
ment, emphasizing the two-century old constitu-
tion of the fathers, which had withstood every
tempest. Religion must be supported, if only for
the welfare of the state. No portion of the globe
experienced greater tolerance. Then followed the
usual commendation of the college and schools ; and
misrepresentation of the principles and intentions
of the '* revolutionary faction."'^ An **01d Free-
man" pathetically feared that "this state so long
the nursery of morals, science and literature, so
long the abode of peace, regularity and piety, will
become the scene of discord, confusion, and every
evil work — and her offices of government, cages of
unclean and hateful birds Shall Con-
necticut be revolutionized, now, after having
triumphantly withstood every attack for twenty
years — after the rest of the world has become sick
of revolutions, and are coming back as fast as they
can to the good old way?*'**
Connecticut cast by far its heaviest vote, Wol-
cott receiving 13,655 votes to Smith's 13,119, or,
when corrections were made, a majority of about
600 votes. It is probable that nearly every free-
man voted. Yet only ten per cent of the white in-
habitants were represented. This would suggest
the number of free residents who, under the exist-
ing laws, were disfranchised. Ingersoll was not op-
posed, nor were the offices of Treasurer Kingsbury
"Courant, Mar. 4, 1817.
••/Wi., Mar. 25, 1817.
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 349
and Secretary Day contested. In the Assembly
the Tolerationists had a heavy majority.*'
The political map, based on the vote for gov-
ernor, shows the Toleration strength in dissenting
towns, in shipping centers; and the party's inroads
into the conservative country towns. Even Litch-
field and Windham counties were affected. If the
map brought out the large Toleration minorities
in Federalist towns, the result would be more
marked.
The election of Wolcott signified the entrance of
a new era, new men and new ideas. Yet there
lingers half a feeling of regret that the old order
had to give way. John Cotton Smith was the last of
the Puritan governors. His eulogist said: "It was
the honour of Governor Smith to close worthily
the long line of chief magistrates in whom the
principles of the former era were represented, and
to shed around the last days of the old Common-
wealth, the lustre it had in the times of Haynes,
Winthrop and Saltonstall."*" To ardent Federal-
ists his retirement to his estate in Sharon marked
the end of Connecticut's golden age. Smith, of the
blood of John Cotton, was unable to breast the
new times. He was happier in his religious seclu-
sion from which he was to witness during the next
thirty years the complete transformation of Con-
necticut into a modem state.
•^Mercury, May 13, 1817; NiUs* Register, Xn, 128, 144; Robbins,
Diary, I, 702.
** Andrews, John Cotton Smilh, pp. 40-41. See HoUister, Connecticut,
II, 517. Smith lived intil 1845 on his thousand-acre estate, engaging
in religious work.
j^^mmumcsBauBaimmamim^timiMSBikmmilkm
350 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
The Courant observed: **The retirement of
Governor Smith from office may have produced
regret; but it is a regret accompanied by the re-
deeming recollection that faction and falsehood
are his only enemies."** The Connecticut Mirror
concurred with similar expressions. The Beechers
thought only of God's Church. Happily for him-
self, Dr. Dwight had not lived to see his defeat."
The brilliant Dr. Nathan Strong who had none of
the **mad and shameful spirit of proselytism,"
died the year before.** Robbins fatalistically con-
soled himself: **We deserve the divine judgments
and are now called to bear them."** General
Humphreys was about to pass away. Noah Web-
ster had already removed to Amherst and had
seemingly lost his former interest in politics.
The old generation was passing away. It is an
interesting historical speculation to wonder if only
with its death and the rise of the new generation
could reform and new measures come to pass.**
"The Democrats are on tiptoe," wrote an obser-
ver. "What they will attempt when the legislature
meets no one can tell. I think in Governor Wolcott
they have got a Tartar and will not find him
exactly the man they wish."** While the Fourth
was somewhat non-partisan, a few toasts expressed
« Courant, May 13, 1817.
** Autobiography y I, 344.
^ Funeral Sermon by Rev. Nathan Perkins.
«* Diary, I, 700.
*• Cf. Arthur T. Hadley, Undercurrents in American Politics, p. 13.
*• Oilman, Norwich, p. 113; Robbins, Diary, I, 709; Mercury, July
15, 23, 1817.
SUCCESS OP THE REFORM PARTY 351
the views of Tolerationists : "Oliver Wolcott —
Governor of the State, not of a Party;" "Connec-
ticut — Emerging from the fogs of political delu-
sion." Naturally, Republicans rejoiced, but prob-
ably not to the same extent as if it had been less
of a conservative victory. There was little ex-
pression of a discreditable glee, which would
lacerate Federalist feelings.
Outside Republican opinion was decidedly jubi-
lant. The Boston Yankee wrote of Connecticut:
"This old and constant sinner in the walks of fed-
eralism has renounced her political heresy, and
returned to the bosom of the American family."
The Baltimore Patriot declared: "The sweet and
pacific voice of toleration, so worthy the name of
republicanism, is now heard where before nought
but the hoarse and hateful accents of persecution
and illiberality resounded." The Boston Patriot
saw in Wolcott's election the destruction of the
sheet anchor of Federalism 's last hope.*^
Governor Wolcott's address to the General
Assembly evidenced a breadth and depth of under-
standing of which the late governors were quite
incapable.*' Wolcott expressed moderate views,
*^ Quoted in Mercury, Apr. 25, 1817.
**Courant, May 20, 1817; Niles* Register, XII, 201 ff.; Greene,
Religious Liberty , pp. 472 ff. National Intelligencer, May 22, said:
"The sp>eech is evidently the production of a master of the pen, and a
man who knows the world .... Tho' a certain bigotry has
characterised the councils of the state of Connecticut, heretofore, and
a cool indifference to the national interests, which required the agency
of reform, we should have been sorry to see it too rudely employed;
for there are some institutions and habits, almost i)eculiar to Connecti-
cut which, so far from disturbing we should be glad to see imitated and
emulated in other sections of our country."
352 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
encouraging cooperation and compromise. To the
surprise of his opponents, there was "nothing of
that frothy, bombastic jargon" which they narrowly
ascribed to Republicans, so that they wondered if
after all he was not a Federalist. They convinced
themselves of Republican dissatisfaction. But the
future, with its Wolcott administration of ten years,
was destined to prove them in the wrong. He
was the people's rather than a party governor.
His view of the rights of conscience are worthy
of quotation :
It is the right and duty of every man, to worship and
adore the Supreme Creator and Preserver of the Universe,
in the manner most agreeable to the dictates of his own con-
science; and no man or body of men have, or can acquire,
by acts of licentiousness, impiety, or usurpation, any right
to disturb the public peace, or control others in the exercise
of their religious opinions or worship.
. . . . There are no subjects respecting which the
sensibility of freemen is more liable to be excited to im-
patience, than in regard to the rights of conscience, and the
freedom of suffrage. So highly do the people prize these
privileges that they have sometimes ascribed to unfriendly
motives towards particular sects and denominations what
was sincerely intended to secure an equality of rights to
every portion of the community.
When people are so wrought up, he advised, pru-
dence will cause the Legislature to investigate the
grievances. This was indeed a moderate state-
ment.
A review of the election laws, he commended
to the Assembly, with the observation that the
purity of the ballot had been guaranteed by our
fathers. As evidence of this, every freeman was
&B
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 353
oathbound to give his suffrage in conscience, with
only the commonwealth in mind. Even to solicit
votes or hand a freeman a ballot was a penal
offense. He would have the Legislature see if,
under the present system of voting, this ancient
sacred character of the franchise was maintained,
and act according to their findings. He pleaded
for an independent judiciary, in which supreme
judges shcTild hold for life or good behavior. This
was a refoi m which every honest Federalist favored.
In no place was Wolcott's conservatism better
attested, for he advised that the change be made
immediately, and justice raised above partisan-
ship at a time when the judges were of such a high
type.
The problem of emigration received his close
attention :
An investigation of the causes which produce the numer-
ous emigrations of our industrious and enterprising young
men is by far the most important subject which can engage
our attention. We cannot justly repine at any improve-
ment of their condition. They are our relatives and friends
who in the honourable pursuit of comfort and independence,
encounter voluntary toils and privations, and the success of
their efforts affords a most exhilarating subject for contem-
plation. Still it is certain that the ardour for emigration
may be excessive, and perhaps the time has arrived, when
it will be wise in those who meditate removals, to compare
the value of what they must relinquish, with what they
expect to acquire. On our part it is important to consider
whether everything has been done whidx is practicable, to
render the people contented, industrious, and frugal, and if
causes are operating to reduce any class of citizens to a
situation which leaves them no alternative but poverty or
emigration, in that case to afford the most speedy relief.
354 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
This, "fortunately for the people," could only
be attained by making it to their interest to remain.
Free circulation of capital and credit and the re-
moval of taxes upon skill and industry were sug-
gested measures.
His intimate knowledge gave added weight to
his views on manufacturing. Manufacturers were
becoming non-partisan if the unanimity of their
support signified anything. He predicted that
the interest of state and nation was bound up in
their development. Wealth had declined, agricul-
ture languished, commerce was falling off, and
factories, which employ many men, are suffering
from depression. Hence it was urgent that the
state second the efforts of the central government
in giving relief to industry.
In the matter of taxation he had long been
professionally interested.** He prefaced his rec-
ommendations with the remark that his views
were the same as when he presented his report to
Congress on the exhausting effects of unequal
forms of taxation with particular reference to New
England. His suggestion had been approved
and enforced by Congress, and its value had been
tested by time. He advised a systematic revision
which should be based on ample data derived
from a thorough study of conditions. The mode
in vogue was more unequal and far more in-
jurious than was generally recognized. The capi-
tation tax worked a hardship on the day laborer,
who without property paid a sixteenth of his
*• Ford, Webster, I, 335.
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 355
income in taxes. Heavy asses3nients on horses
and oxen, which were only aids in the crea-
tion of wealth, injured the farmer. Taxes on
necessities were burdensome to the poor. The
fire-place tax while small was unfair, for often the
humble cottager paid as much as his wealthy
neighbor in a splendid old mansion. Assessments
on mills, machinery, manufactures, commercial in-
vestments, profits of trades, and professions, were
liable to serious . objections unless the tax was
nominal for the sake of statistics. Otherwise, it
would cause a depression of industry and tend to
drive men of skill and talents outside the state.
Wolcott's address, outlining the Toleration pro-
gram, was immediately taken under considera-
tion by the Assembly. Every subject was referred
to a committee of the Lower House, though custom
had always favored joint committees. The Lower
House took this occasion to show its antagonism
to the Federalist Council. This antagonism was
embittered by the Council's veto of a bill repeal-
ing the infamous "stand-up law" and guaranteeing
the secrecy of the ballot in its old-time purity.'®
Little change was made in the certificate laws,
save that certificates were to be lodged with the
town clerk rather than the clerk of the settled
society. All denominations were given equal
privileges in taxing their members for Gospel sup-
port, though in the case of the Congregationalists
the state was a party to its collection. A clause
^ For a review of the session, see CourarU and Mercuryf May- June,
1817.
356 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: I77S-181S
allowing a person to certificate from one society
to another of the same denomination was defeated,
lest it result in the demoralization of societies.
This act had an Episcopalian impress, for Repub-
licans, Baptists and Methodists would never have
retained the tithe.
An act was passed, defining the office of comp-
troller, who was instructed to render a report of
expenditures and receipts every May, or oftener
on demand. The current report, printed on the
motion of a Federalist, disproved the Republican
pre-election stories that the finances were in a bad
way. A committee of investigation was appointed
to make a complete study of the system of taxa-
tion and report in the fall. Both parties were
anxious to encourage manufacturing and thereby
assist in lessening emigration. Jonathan Edwards,
Jr., a Federalist, agreed that, as the state was
already importing food stuffs and exporting little
but beef and pork, its future wealth would be
in manufactures. A law was enacted exempting
workmen in cotton and woolen mills from a poll
tax or militia service for a period of four years,
and freeing factories with their machinery and
five acres of land from taxation for a similar
period.'^
With regard to the judiciary, differences of opin-
ion arose. All Tolerationists were not as willing as
Wolcott to perpetuate the present judges in power.
A bill was suggested, postponing action for a year,
n Public Laws (1808-1819), pp. 285, 287.
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 357
with the expectation that then the Council would
be revolutionized. As finally agreed, the matter
was postponed six months. In the appointment
of the superior court justices only Calvin God-
dard was omitted from the list. This was not
entirely due to a recognition of their worth, but to
the assurance that the Council would not concur
in their displacement. Over the other judicial
appointments considerable party discord was dis-
played. Federalists were bound to intrench them-
selves in the judiciary, actually trying to name
Federalist justices for strong Toleration towns.
The caucus lists from New London and Fair-
field counties were defeated in the Lower House,
which saw its list thrown out by the Council.
At length matters were compromised by adding
Republican justices to the usual quota, so the
number of justices, already too large, was increased
by about one hundred. The Council's opposition
resulted in a bitter determination to overthrow
the aristocratic Upper House.
The summer witnessed a weakening of party
tension. This was observable in the character of
the Fourth-of-July celebrations and in the recep-
tion given Monroe on his tour of inspection of
public defenses and munition plants. At New
Haven the President was escorted by leaders of
both parties, and even the clergy joined the citi-
zens in doing him honor. In other towns it was
the same. It was noted by Federalists that the
President's ''affable, unaffected and dignified
deportment" impressed everyone. It was further
im C033 tenon a tmamsiksz
\
* \ \
The September campaign^ ^pcod tke Federafi^s^
the fj^^jakaan'^p^fXj; Charting tke Woicott pfo-
fram. They asked: ^liat woe the Dcsno-
oo tne j Mt%mv , tnat tbey tailed to
be inled by thetr dneTs irisfa? Xhe state funds*
amrxmting to karb^ W> nnffioo doibis. had be»
wdl husbdnded. Woifld the offioe-seekers be as
trustworthy? If there was intoleraiice, why was
it not diflcovered by the saintly Johnson rather
than by the skeptical Abraham Bidiop? Tolera-
tion was a "'mere stalking horse to power/* used
by federal office-holders grown rich and haughty.
It was a cry to exclude from oflice Federalists oi
the Wariiington type. A direct tax on land would
fall heavily on the farmer and ease the burden of
lawyer, doctor, and manufacturer. Instead of
discouraging emigration, it would drive farmers
west* Their demand for a constitution would
not be well received until the constitution-making
activities of the French had been forgotten. Free-
men were advised to hesitate, for "A new consti-
tution will put all things afloat on the ocean of
visionary experiment." Let voters remember that
democracy and its leaders were the same, whether
under the name of Toleration, whether abroad,
in the sister states, or at home.
Tolerationists centered their whole attention
upon the crying need of breaking the vicious
^ CoDtcD^Mrmiy newipapen, June- August, 1817.
SUCCESS OP THE REFORM PARTY 359
aristocratic control of the Council.** It was the
only barrier, but an impassable one, in the way of
reform. A struggle would result in a deadlock.
Judges, justices, administrative officials, militia
officers and the like could not be commissioned.
To force the hand of the Council, would inevitably
bring anarchy. Hence the determination of the
new party to elect Toleration men to the Council.
Otherwise, a constitutional convention could not
be even thought of. All the old charges against
the Council were aired: its opposition to the war;
support of the Hartford Convention; authorship
of the election law; militia appointments; secret
sessions and factious control of justices. Federal-
ists defended the Council by saying that if the
militia stand was wrong, it had been taken with
the people's welfare in mind and was later endorsed
by the voters. If it was treasonable, why did the
new party accept Jonathan Brace and Frederick
Wolcott, while condemning their fellow-council-
ors, Roger M. Sherman, Griswold and Goodrich?
Party activities knew no bounds. Robbins,
noting the great efforts of the reformers, prayed
that "the Lord be our helper."" The Tolera-
"The Hartford Times observed: "Every bill which passed the
House, intended either to remove popular complaints or redress public
grievances, was neglected by the CoundL" Quoted in NiUs' Register,
XII, 240. Mercury, Aug. 26, Sept. 2, 9, 1817.
** Diary, I, 714. For Hartford activities. Mercury, Aug. 26, Sept.
3, 1817. Judge Trumbull's characterization of the Tolerationist is
interesting: "It is now more than three years since a combination was
formed among the restless, ambitious, and dissolute part of the com-
munity, to seize upon all the public offices in the state and apportion
:r JT^CTZTTT IT rL^::rr7:/pc r's-jtsi
5:3 d^^ ' V'u ^ TKHTifti nr
^« "^ft J **^
* 1
zurzrz, "UK xr:
*: r?:i:=«:ii. Ztr. ^ ifrn^ia tths^ arc
Tbe icEirifiZ '.-^i^^ ^vt ib* ruei eDirrs^ti by both
tSrkets fnci :^5xi ir 3:^57 v:r«Sw wkiJe the
fcacrei^ Z zvers.'Dtztrsz \?r ir.647 inc dae highest
Ftf:*triii55t 2. Sriie i-^^r io.olxk. Tbe Toierarwaists
carriw: tbor full 3^^ Ren'rcr:: cceid cniy be
cei^:.^ Hx r^ititbs it tbe nctjt. In dbe LomTer
Ho=i5€: tbe lies- zartv bad it ]eist i^i rraen out of
201. l^psif-es a te*" sectral Faierxists^* — "a hetero-
gexieir>u5 codbcnatipoa o: sects, siectanass aiKi ad\'en-
15 ^
■"TTiiriJCL
CGcrtii V, »II »rK -»ocIii r?»:r: lj :t. fct ii-wTncrs wiiicct tajeats.
asrf yf> zuKraaQ. n.-v^rz, rr^jcs adc osbucrsw caa a3xd to ^xnd
<i2>i, -w^tkiL. sarxiths. anr? years in b&v i^ti^Tses^ rn lacuacxair filsr-
b>yl*. in pr«i/±ii:^ poctia iz tor-rooc^Sw azKi at t^se a>ciMrs ot streets
ajvi rijdr«a>'*, for tiic saix oc an coce viih a ssaE iooxoe; and that
Um xids pJaiQ nasoo. that the time wiJch ibey devote to the pofalic use
k w</ftli iKXHiu? to themsehTs.'* Addnss 1S19 . pp^ 4.15-14.
^ Tlie C^mfurJuui Jtntmal asked: "Can three or focr drops ol wine
ttntUiJ a portk« of zntoic less dangerous?" Quoted in C^m^imt, Sept. 9.
•• CMaata, Cxv 14, Xov, 4, 1817; .Vifer' Rffistfr. Xm. 120. Towns
like V/uthljury, M^int^ille, New Canaan and Redding sent anti-Federal-
lU ref/rerMmtatives, though in those ^-ery |daces Republicans had long
been ciaxted with rattlesnakes.
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 361
turers." Robbins expressed the sentiments of the
ruling cast:
Our God frowns upon us in his holy and terrible judg-
ments. I hope and pray that we may not long be given
up to the rage of the wicked. I consider it the success of
iniquity against righteousness.*^
Connecticut had at last capitulated after a seven-
teen years' siege.
Wolcott addressed the* General Assembly in a
speech so conciliatory and moderate that the
Federalists hopefully believed that he was one
of their own.*^ Republicans were not disheart-
ened, but took occasion to inquire if the Bible
had been destroyed or the meeting-houses over-
turned. Wolcott spoke eulogistically of the old
republican government, cautioning lest it be too
radically changed:
*'It is natural and just that institutions which
have produced so much honor and advantage,
should be objects of veneration and attachment;
and if, as may be admitted, some changes are
expedient to adapt our government to the prin-
ciples of a more enlightened age than that in which
it was formed, and to reconcile it with the institu-
tions which surround us, and by which our inter-
ests are necessarily affected, still we are bound to
recollect, that whatever is of common concern,
ought to be adjusted by mutual consultations, and
"Diary, I, 716.
"Printed in Couranty Oct. 14. The Connecticut Journal wrote:
"The Spirit of Reform has received a severe Rebuke, we hope it will
flee from his presence."
362 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
friendly advice; that party spirit and sinister in-
terests ought to be wholly excluded from influence ;
that it is the duty of reformers to repair and
improve, not to subvert and destroy; that passion
is a dangerous Counsellor; and that by the wise
constitution of our nature nothing which is violent
or unjust can be permanent."
The governor suggested an inquest of the prison
at Newgate where the conditions of imprisonment
were notoriously bad and inhuman. An act
slightly ameliorative was the result. In this way
he was a precursor of the prison reformers.**
The legislative session was characterized by a
struggle between the two Houses.*" The Council
was black Federalist, save the three assistants who
were jointly supported by both parties; the As-
sembly was preponderatingly Tolerationist, with
a speaker and two clerks of that complexion.
The orthodox Council had no respect for a Lower
House composed of Democrats, apostate Federal-
ists, office-seeking lawyers and designing church-
men, with an Episcopalian minister and a Metho-
dist elder among its five chaplains. The opposi-
tion resulted in a deadlock. The Lower House
was so bitter that it defeated all measures coming
from the Council in its desire to postpone business
a six-month, when new councilors would be elected.
Again, the Lower House refused to appoint the
usual joint committees to consider the governor's
^Public Laws (1808-1819), for this session. See Noah A. Phelps,
A History of the Copper Mines and Newgate Prison.
^^Courant and Mercury, October-November, 1817, passim.
SUCCESS OP THE REFORM PARTY 363
recommendations. In retaliation, the Council tried
with a degree of success to force Federalist justices
on Republican towns. This was the real crux of
the difficulty.
The committee on taxation presented an excel-
lent report.** Their data, prepared by the select-
men of seventy-six towns, showed an average
town expense of eight cents on the listed dollar,
outside of highway, bridge and society rates.
Poll taxes amounting to three-tenths of the total
tax were levied on rich and poor alike. Farmers'
neat cattie, which paid another three-tenths, were
rated at thirty per cent; while silver plate was
rated at five per cent, capital at six per cent, bank
stock three per cent, carriages twenty per cent and
watches forty per cent. The land tax depended on
whether the land was classed as meadow, plow or
pasture, without regard to valuation. Thus cheap,
unproductive lands far from a market were rated
as high as, or possibly higher than lands far more
valuable. A single-taxer would be driven to
despair at its inequalities. The tax upon young
merchants and professional men was found to be
unjust, deterrent to industry and forcing progres-
sive youths to emigrate. Ekjualization was en-
tirely unknown. The committee recommended
an entire change, urging that bills be framed with
the school-fund in view, that real estate be assessed
according to valuation, and that the capitation
tax be greatiy reduced.
The Assembly forced the repeal of the "stand-
« Printed Oct. 28.
364 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
up'* election law, which had served its Federalist
authors well in long retarding Republicanism."
The question of suffrage was discussed. A revi-
sion of rules was considered. A humanitarian act
was passed, freeing a family man's limited personal
possessions in the way of necessaries of life, and a
physician's horse from seizure by distraint. Sena-
tor Hillhouse's salary was reduced, on the plea
that the commissioner's duties were lighter. Lit-
tle could be done in the way of constructive legis-
lation.
At the close of the session the majority party
addressed the friends of Toleration, suggesting a
constitutional convent ion.** As the framing of a
constitution was a weighty matter, it was advised
that careful study be made of the various govern-
mental forms. The Toleration party had become
the ''Constitution and Reform" party, with their
platform for the following year clearly stated.
Regret was expressed that, while the questions of
taxation, militia and suffrage had been considered,
little had been accomplished. However, reform, to
be lasting, must be slow. With this explanation
they returned safe to the people ''the palladium"
of authority.
In accordance with the desires of the memorial-
ists, Cheshire in its November town meeting
instructed its representatives "to use their in-
fluence and procure a recommendation to the people
« Minutes in Courani, Oct. 28; Niles' Register, XIII, 127, 131, 193;
Public Laws, p. 292.
^ •» Printed in Mercury, Nov. 4, 1817.
<£
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 365
of this state, to choose delegates to form a Con-
stitution of Civil Government, to be submitted to
the People for their consideration and adoption."**
New Haven followed in December with similar
instructions to her representatives. There the
best and most candid Federalists were said to have
favored the resolution. In January Wallingford
declared **that the Charter of King Charles II
contains principles obnoxious to a Republican
government; that its powers wert annulled by the
declaration of Independence; that it never has
been adopted by the people of this state as their
Constitution of Civil Government; and that the
Legislature have not regarded it as such, but have
repeatedly modified and changed the government
without any reference to that Instrument."** Dan-
bury in town meeting resolved that, in view of the
dangers of an uncontrolled government, steps
should be taken to draft a constitution precisely
defining all powers. No time was more propitious
than the present when all was quiet. This same
month witnessed similar action on the part of New
London, Hamden, Windsor and Woodbury. In
February meetings, Middletown, Suffield, Groton,
Lyme, Stonington and Newtown issued similar in-
structions. Hartford issued a call in March ; Red-
ding, Stafford and Greenwich in April. Other
towns rapidly fell into line.
All the resolutions were somewhat similar in
tone, calling for a written constitution accurately
•« Beach, Cheshire, p. 260.
• Mercury, Jan. 27, 1818.
366 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
defining and separating the powers of government,
and plainly guaranteeing the rights of citizens.
Here we have republican purity of government
illustrated in the town meeting as the original
source of authority. While all Federalists were
not opposed to the proposed convention, the party
as an organization voted against the constitution-
resolutions. Federalist towns naturally voted down
such revolutionary resolves.
Newspaper articles and widely circulated pam-
phlet literature continued to mold public opinion.
A splendid series of essays, moderate in , tone,
appeared to quiet Federalist fears with the motto :
"It is the duty of Reformers to repair and improve,
not to subvert and destroy." While it was taken
for granted that there was no legal constitution, it
was agreed that a writing down of the old and es-
tablished principles was advisable. The ardor of
reformers was checked by recalling Cromwell's
career and the French Revolution. The written
portions of the British constitution were then con-
sidered to demonstrate the need of certain funda-
mental, permanent principles, even where the con-
stitution was unwritten. The writer defined as
essential: A bill of rights; barriers against cor-
ruption or the abridgment of the franchise; ample
protection of the public money; and a provision
preventing a repetition of the late hostility to the
national goverment. His dispassionate, clear pres-
entation of the subject won for him a wide hearing,
and indubitably impressed thoughtful freemen.
"An Address to the people of Litchfield County"
ta«- -J-*-
SUCCESS OP THE REFORM PARTY 367
by "Solyman Brown" was earnestly recommended
by reformers to the people of that "benighted sec-
tion. "•« George H. Richards, a Federal-Republi-
can of New London, published an essay, "The
Politics of Connecticut," containing a plain state-
ment of the arguments for a written constitution,
which would establish religious and political
equality.
Constitution and reform men were puzzled at
the Federalist failure to nominate men for gover-
nor and lieutenant governor. A few of the deepest
Federalists cast ballots for Timothy Pitldn as a
protest. Wolcott received 16,432 votes and In-
gersoll a couple of thousand less. Reform assist-
ants were elected by a wide margin. For the
first time there was a real contest for the office of
treasurer, the Republican, Isaac Spencer, Jr., re-
ceiving 8,383 votes to 7,673 for Kingsbury. As
neither had a majority, Spencer's appointment
depended upon the General Assembly. Thomas
Day was re-elected secretary without opposition.
The real interest centered in the representatives,
for in their choice the freemen spoke for or against
the constitution. One hundred and thirty-two
Tolerationists were seated to sixty-nine Federal-
ists. The issue was decided; Federalism was
broken; the state was revolutionized.*^
General Election Day (May 14, 18 18) marked
an epoch. President Day declining to preach,
his alternate, the Episcopalian rector of New
•• Mercury, Jan. 27, 1818.
" Mercury, Apr. 7, 21, May 19, 26, 1818; Robbins, Diary, I, 738.
368 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Haven, Rev. Harry Croswell, officiated. As an
Episcopalian historian writes, this was a bold de-
parture to those ' Vho fondly imagined, that they
had a monopoly of all the religious and civil
power in the state."** The sermon rang out with
the text: Render unto Caesar the things that are
Caesar's, and to God the things of God. It was a
powerful plea for Christian toleration, spiritual
ministers, and a vigorous assault on political
preachers. Less than a hundred ministers ap-
peared at the banquet. Fewer came each year
until finally the day lost its religious character in
the routine of vote-counting.
The May session of the Legislature was of vital
importance in the history of the state. The ex-
pectations of the reformer must be satisfied, but
in a way to quiet Federalist fears. Wolcott's
address cautioned moderation at every turn:
I presume that it will not be proposed by any one to
impair our institutions, or to abridge any of the rights or
privileges of the people. The State of Connecticut, as at
present constituted, is, in my opinion, the most venerable
and precious monument of republican govemment, existing
among men The Governors and coimsellors
have been elected annually^ and the representatives semi-
annually elected by the freemen, who have always consti-
tuted the great body of the people. Nor has the manifes-
tation of the powers of the freemen been confined to the
elections. They have ever been accustomed to public con-
sultations and deliberations of intricacy and importance.
•• Beardsley, Episcopal Church, II, 164. Robbins observed: "Mr.
Croswell the churchman .... preached and read service. It
was pretty barren. None but a Congregational minister ever preached
before and never ought again.'' Diary, I, 742. The Courant, Nov. 11,
1817, noticed the "novelty."
■Mifli^aS^^SIBS3B^BEBB93H^S3K^3aH9HHBSSHH[^^SiUiB
SUCCESS OP THE REFORM PARTY 369
Their meetings have been conducted with the same order
and decorum as those of this assembly. .... The
support of religion, elementary schools, paupers, public
roads and bridges — comprising about eight-tenths of the
public expenses — ^has been constantly derived from taxes
imposed by the votes of the people; and the most interest-
ing regulations of our police have been and still are enforced
by officers deriving their powers from annual appointments.
The Charter had always been regarded as "the
palladium of the liberties" of Connecticut, and
justly so, he felt, forby it the king's claims to the
territory were surrendered to the people. He
continued :
Considered merely as an instrument defining the powers
and duties of magistrates and rulers, the Charter may justly
be considered as provisional and imperfect; yet it ou^t to
be recollected that what is now its greatest defect was for-
merly a pre-eminent advantage, it being then highly impor-
tant to iJie people to acquire the greatest latitude of au-
thority, with an exemption from British interference and
control If I correctly comprehend the wishes
which have been expressed by a portion of our fellow citi-
zens, they are now desirous, as the sources of apprehension
from external causes are at present happily closed, that the
Legislative, Executive, and Judicial authorities of their own
government may be more precisely defined and limited, and
the rights of the people declared and acknowledged. It is
your province to dispose of this important subject in such
manner as will best promote general satisfaction and
tranquillity.**
This portion of the governor's address was re-
ferred to a select committee of five from the
Assembly. Although the Council had been re-
formed, the Republicans displayed a sensitiveness
in maintaining the dignity of the House. Their
^Mercury, May 19, 1818; Trumbull, HisUmcal Notes, pp. 44-45.
370 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
committee reported a general desire, which should
be granted, "for a revision and reformation of the
structure of our civil government and the estab-
lishment of a Constitutional Compact." The politi-
cal happiness, the committee considered to be due
to other causes rather than "to any peculiar in-
trinsic excellence in the form and character of the
government itself." Barriers must be raised
against legislative encroachment stouter than those
provided by the frequency of elections, which
might be abolished by an arbitrary power. It was
advised that "the organization of the different
branches of government, the separation of their
powers, the tenure of office, the elective franchise,
liberty of speech and of the press, freedom of con-
science, trial by jury — rights which relate to these
deeply interesting subjects ought not to be suf-
fered to rest on the frail foundation of legislative
will or discretion." Concluding, the committee ob-
served that the time was auspicious and that the
experience of other states would guide them.
This report aroused an interesting debate.^®
The Federalists, while few in number, were among
the ablest and most aggressive members. Aaron
Austin saw no necessity for change because the
people had long lived happily under the present
government. He refused to admit that there was
no constitution — part was written and part un-
written. Connecticut had the best of the Ameri-
can constitutions, just as that of England was
w See Mercury and Courant, June 9, 1818; cf. Trumbull, Hist. Notes,
p. 49.
SUCCESS OF THE REFORM PARTY 371
the most excellent in the old world. Jonathan
Edwards, Jr., considered the present constitution
framed by the people in 1639, merely ratified by
Charles and indirectly assented to by the people, as
the best in the world. A written constitution was
valuable only to define privileges extorted from
a tyrant, or as a compact between sovereign states.
While the majority must rule, a revision of the
oldest and purest constitution would not be ad-
vantageous to the people. Others felt that there
had not been sufficient demand or that the busy
season should be given to agriculture, not constitu-
tion-making. At any rate, there could be no
danger, one advanced, for did not the federal
constitution guarantee a republican government?
Among the Republican members, Enoch Bur-
rows, James Stevens, G. Hubbard, S. A. Foote and
H. W. Edwards rehearsed the trite old arguments.
However, the majority wasted little time in debate.
They simply forced through the resolution calling
for a constituent convention. ^^
Freemen were ordered to meet on July 4, to
elect in town meeting the usual number of repre-
sentatives to the convention, which was to con-
vene at Hartford on the fourth Wednesday in
^ Trumbull, Historical Notes, pp. 46-47. Objection to the day was
silenced by Col. John McClellan who said: "He knew the fourth of
July was a merry day, but he thought if the people began early in the
morning they would be able to get through before they were disqualified
to vote." Minutes in Courantf June 9. See Anderson, Waterhury, I,
509. There was considerable town rivalry, New Haven losing by 71
to 81, and Middletown by 61 to 87. A Republican suggested Hart-
ford in order that the disgrace of the last convention be obliterated.
Mercury, June 16.
:--*i— .--
372
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
August. When the constitution, framed by this
body, received the approval of such a majority of
voters as the convention should decide upon, it
was resolved that it should be the supreme law of
the state.'*
This session also identified itself with certain
reform measures.'* Acts were passed for the aid
of paupers, for relief of bail, freeing Quakers from
militia service and fines, and rating bonds and
bank stock as personal property. A resolution
provided for galleries in the Council Chamber, thus
removing the veil of impenetrable secrecy. A
suffrage act, based on similar ones in ten states,
was passed, giving the vote to free males of twenty-
one years who paid taxes or served in the militia,
were of moral character, and residents of the town
for four months.
" It was well that none of the ratios suggested were accepted, or the
constitution would have failed. Col. John Alsop proposed ratification
by two-thirds of the towns; Calvin Butler by four-fifths; and James
Stevens three-fifths. Jonathan Edwards desired a three-fifths vote of
the electors. CourarU^ June 9; Mercury, June 16, 23, 1817.
^Public Laws, pp. 298 flf.
CHAPTER IX
Completion of the Revolution
T N accordance with the resolution of the General
'^ Assembly the freemen of the various towns
met on July 4, 1818, to elect delegates to the con-
vention. The preliminary campaign evidenced
party activity, but less bitterness than might be
expected.^ Ultra-Federalism did not control the
party's counsels. Federalist leaders accepted the
revolution as an accomplished fact. Instead of
oflFering a bootless opposition, they decided to use
their strength as a check on reformists, and to pre-
serve as far as possible the spirit of the old govern-
ment. The Connecticut man was generally too
practical to care to die in the last ditch. Federalist
voters were urged not to refrain from voting, but
to co-operate with honest Republicans in electing
men of proven integrity. It was argued that the
framing of a constitution was a non-partisan affair
of such importance that it behooved every town
to name its best man.
The election was marked by the presence of many
newly enfranchised freemen, whose votes were an
important factor in doubtful towns. Naturally,
they were won by the Tolerationist appeals to
^Trumbull, Historical Notes, p. 51; Courant, June 21; Connecticut
Mirror, June 29, 1818.
373
374 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
remember the party which eflfected their emanci-
pation.* The result was a heavy poll.
In Hartford, where both parties were well or-
ganized, a vote of 796 was registered, amounting to
fourteen and one-tenth per cent of the total popu-
lation, whereas the vote of New Haven amounted
to only seven per cent. Hartford's vote was so
unusual that it gave credit to the charges of cor-
ruption, bribery, ballot stuffing, illegal voting, and
the rude, tumultuous conduct of both the chal-
lenged voters and the young Federalist watchers.
The result was that each party elected one repre-
sentative. Tolerationists were selected in New
Haven without disagreeable party strife.' Feder-
alists foresaw their worst fears realized ; conditions
would henceforth be as in New York or Phila-
delphia. No longer could elections be carried out in
quiet and decorum with such liberal suffrage quali-
fications. Rev. Thomas Robbins, who preached at
Scan tick, noted: "The Universal suffrage law is
horrible."*
While the vote resulted in returning a Tolera-
tion majority, there was a reduction in the number,
which that party controlled in the last session.
It was a doubtful majority, estimated at first by
different editors at nine, twelve, twenty-one, and
* In Hartford there were some 85 new freemen; in New Haven, 15;
in a town like Scantick, 60. These only represent what was true all
over the state. Conn, Mirror^ June 29, July 13; Conn. Journal, Oct
16; Conn. Herald, June 30, 1818; Robbins, Diary, I, 748.
'Material on the election from the Conn. Journal, Conn, Herald,
Courant and Mercury, issues of July 7, 14, 21, 1818.
« Diary, h 748.
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 375
thirty, out of a total of two-hundred and one dele-
gates. This discrepancy was probably due to the
selection of a number of Episcopalians of un-
settled political view9. Federalist writers rejoiced
in this falling off, while Republicans explained it
as a non-partisan election in which some towns
selected a delegate from each party. In other
towns, the minority concentrated on one man.
For instance, in Hartford, Nathaniel Terry, and in
New Haven, Simeon Baldwin were the only active
Federalist candidates.* A strong minority at the
polls and in the convention was a distinct advan-
tage as a moderating influence. In this, as in the
character of the delegates, the people had chosen
wisely.
Among the delegates were men of all classes and
shades of political and religious tenets.* There
were men like Governor Treadwell, Jesse Root,
Col. John McClellan and Aaron Austin, who
epitomized in themselves the old order and re-
ligious fear of innovation. Timothy Pitkin and
Nathaniel Terry represented the moderate Feder-
alists. Among the original Democrats were men
* In New Haven, while James Hillhouse was a candidate, all efiforts
were centered on the election of S. Baldwin. The New Haven Register
wrote of Hillhouse, referring to his removal of the graveyard from the
green "As a most desperate and ferocious prosecutor of the most des-
perate and ferocious deeds. God forbid that the destroyers of the
sepulchres of our fathers should ever receive the suffrages of our sons."
See Conn, Journal, June 30, July 7, 1818.
* Trumbull, Historical Notes, pp. 52-53; Morgan, Connecticut, III,
111 fif.; Robbins, Diary, I, 749. Dexter's Biographical Sketches is valu-
able in tracing the careers of members who were Yale graduates.
rT-sj.
376 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
like "Boss" Alexander Wolcott, Pierrepont Eklwards,
Joshua Stow, James Stevens, David Tomlinson,
Christopher Manwaring. Nathan Smith and Gover-
nor Wolcott stood as the foremost Tolerationists.
Congregationalists of the Saybrook type sat with
dissenters and infidels and in proximity to a Bap-
tist and Methodist elder or two. Lawyers and
ex- judges predominated, yet there were at least
a dozen physicians. Seated with plain farmers
were men of wealth like Treadwell, Wolcott, Mit-
chell, Tomlinson, Peter Webb, Pierrepont Edwards,
Oliver Bumham, and Patrick Clark. A few were
federal office-holders. Some forty were recipients
of Yale degrees, with here and there a graduate from
Princeton, Brown or elsewhere. Seven members
had served in the convention which ratified the
United States Constitution. A few had seen service
in the unreformed Council, and nine were members
of the Toleration Council. Several had served
in Congress, two were governors. A few were
high in militia circles or were distinguished as
veterans of the Revolution. Others were to win
high places in state and national life.
It was a representative gathering. In many
cases its members were widely known and inti-
mately acquainted with the state's needs. They
understood and appreciated its past history, and
foresaw something of its future. The majority
were inspired with toleration. Such a body was
well prepared to draft a constitution which would
be acceptable to their people and able to stand the
test of time. It would be a constitution in which
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 377
reform was touched with justice, moderation and
toleration.
On August 26, 1 81 8, the convention assembled
at the State House in Hartford.^ As the required
two-thirds of the delegates were present, the
meeting was called to order by Jesse Root of
Coventry, who was distinguished as the oldest
man present. James Lanman, a Republican law-
yer from Norwich, was elected clerk on the third
ballot. Governor Wolcott, representing Litchfield,
was honored with the presidency. The officers
sworn, the next business was the examination and
attestation of the members* election certificates.*
A resolution was then adopted, inviting the
various ministers of the city to serve as chaplains,
for all sessions were to be commenced with prayer.
The sheriff was instructed to act as the officer of
the convention. A committee of five — Judge
Nathaniel Terry, Hon. Timothy Pitldn, historian
and statistician. Senator Stephen Mix Mitchell,
Federalists, and Hon. Amasa Lamed and James Stev-
ens, Tolerationists — was named to consider the rules
which should govern the debates. Their report
was accepted without objection, save by Treadwell
who would increase the quorum to more than a
majority. A compromise spirit was seen in the
unanimity with which this report was reviewed,
^ Federalists trusted that the motives of the second Hartford Con-
vention would be as pure as the first Toast in Conn. Journal^ July
7. Robbins felt concerned about their proceedings, but hoped that
"God will guide them and preserve them from evil." Diary y I, 755.
^Journal, pp. 10-11; Minutes in Mercury, and Conn, Journal, Sept.
1, 1818.
378 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
although the committee was Federalist in point of
majority and weight.
James Stevens introduced this resolution: "That
this convention do deem it expedient to proceed at
this time to form a Constitution of Civil Govern-
ment for the people of this State." A desultory
debate followed. Jesse Root and Governor Tread-
well, leaders of the "extreme right," argued earnest-
ly against proceeding on the assumption that the
state was without a constitution, as a presumptuous
sinning against the fathers. Timothy Pitkin, wav-
ing aside sentiment, supported the motion which
was shortly adopted. This inaugurated the real
work.
On the following morning the question was dis-
cussed as to whether the constitution should be
drafted in committee of the whole or by a select
committee. It was agreed that twenty-four mem-
bers, three from every county, be delegated to
frame and report a constitution. Dr. Sylvester
Wells, a Universalist, Timothy Pitkin and Elisha
Phelps, the latter a Republican attorney, repre-
sented Hartford County; Nathan Smith, Tolera-
tionist attorney and brother of the member of the
Hartford Convention, William Bristol, a wealthy
Republican attorney, and William Todd, an ardent
young Congregationalist lawyer. New Haven;
Moses Warren, Amasa Lamed and state's attor-
ney James Lanman, New London ; Judge Pierrepont
Ekiwards, James Stevens and Gideon Tomlinson,
a young Republican, Fairfield; Peter Webb, an
early Republican merchant, George Learned and
■MittAia
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 379
Edmund Freeman, both graduates of Brown and
Baptists, Windham; John Welsh, a Republican
of means, Judge Augustus Pettibone and Orange
Merwin, Litchfield ; Joshua Stowe, William Hunger-
ford, a Republican recently out of college, and
Thomas Lyman, Middlesex; Daniel Burrows, an
illiterate Democrat, Asa Wiley, a stout Federalist,
and Dr. John S. Peters, a Republican, Tolland.
This committee was fairly representative, though
the minority was only awarded five places. • Chair-
man Edwards was easily first among the Tolera-
tionists, just as Timothy Pitldn stood out as the
recognized leader of the Federalists. Twenty-two
towns were represented, only New Haven and
Hebron winning two places. Judging from the
number of men of political and professional promi-
nence or on the threshold of splendid careers, care
had been taken to select men of worth.
Among the twenty-four were twelve Yale gradu-
ates, one from Princeton and two from Brown.
This is noteworthy in view of the Republican
attacks on Yale and its favored position. The
interests of the college were amply secured. At
least fourteen were lawyers, three of whom were
leaders at the bar besides those holding judicial
offices. Edwards and Learned were veterans of
the convention of 1788. Bristol, Wells, Peters,
Lanman and Webb were Republican councilors.
Tomlinson and Peters were destined to become
governors ; three later became United States Sena-
tors; and five, members of Congress. Pitkin, Ed-
*Cf. Trumbull, Historical Notes, p. 53.
aOmim^btia^maaitm
380 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
wards and Learned had already served in Congress.
Joshua Stow, said to be a pronounced unbeliever,"
represented the type of local politician. William
Hungerford, the last survivor of the convention,
was notorious among those without religion. Dr.
Peters had long been termed atheist. This did not
prevent the Congregational clergy from offering
prayers for him on learning how he defended their
society fund. Nathan Smith was there to watch
Episcopalian interests. The five Federalists repre-
sented a more or less orthodox Congregationalism.
Republicans upheld the various forms of dissent.
Hence all interests were guarded.
The committee submitted the preamble and a
bill of rights on the next day. This celerity would
be hard to understand, if one did not learn that
both the preamble and bill were nearly an exact
replica of those in the Mississippi constitution,
adopted the year previous."
The preamble adopted by the convention with-
out debate declared that:
The people of Connecticut, acknowledging with grati-
tude the good providence of God, in having permitted them
to enjoy a free government, do, in order to more eflfectually
define, secure and perpetuate the liberties, rights and privi-
leges, which they have derived from their ancestors, hereby,
" The Corrn. Journal (Mar. 10, 1819) wrote of Stowe: "While in the
convention, he openly avowed that in his opinion the government had
no more right to provide by law for the support of the worship of the
Supreme Being, than for the support of the worship of the devil." Stowe
sued for libel, and was awarded damages. 3 Conn. Reports, p. 325.
^^ Conn, Journal, Sept 1, advised its readers to compare this with
the constitution of Mississippi, drafted August, 1817. See Nuts'
Register, XIII, 54; Mercury, Sept 16, 1817.
^s
COMPLETION OP THE REVOLUTION 381
after a careful consideration and revision, ordain and estab-
lish the following Constitution and form of dvil govern-
ment.
Here was a recognition of the past and a pronounced
religious spirit.
The bill of rights aroused a heated debate.**
Tread well saw no need of a full declaration, for
they were not contending with an aristocratic body
or a tyrant. Such a bill, he considered, would
only tend to abridge the power of the people. If
some guarantee was necessary, it should be decided
in committee of the whole. Alexander Wolcott
arose in opposition. He believed that the govern-
ment of the fathers was truly democratic, being
at fault only in administration. He was opposed
to alteration, unless definite benefits were to be
derived. A multiplying of ordinances would only
embarrass the Legislature, for "the virtue of the
people was our best security." He would define
the present system in a general way with all details
left to legislative enactment. He defied any man
to erect a tyranny amid an enlightened people or
draft a constitution which should preserve liberty by
mere paper rules. A legislature which subverted
the liberties of the people could not be re-elected.
There was no need of drawing up a code of laws to
govern their own representatives. Superfluous he
considered clauses guaranteeing trial by jury,
habeas corpus and the right of assemblage, when
^Journal, pp. 17-21, 74-77. The New England Galaxy noted that
it was similar to the Massachusetts Declaration of Rights quoted in
Mercury, Nov. 3, 1818. Sec Baldwin in New Haven Hist. Soc., Papers,
V, 211 fiF.
382 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
these were rights never questioned. Guarantees
against excessive bail, compensation for property
acquired for public uses and quartering of militia,
were as unnecessary as uncertain. Always to
put the military in strict subordination to civil
tribunals might in practice be found bad. Had not
Andrew Jackson been compelled to silence the civil
authorities on grounds, not of law but of safety?
"In a Constitution," he shrewdly remarked, "he
would recognize none but great and general princi-
ples. He would adopt few." Such moderation
on the part of the most notorious Jacobin was
astonishing.
Aaron Austin, who had served nearly a quarter
of a century in the Council, confessed himself in
accord with Wolcott. Judges Root and Mitchell
saw no necessity of such a bill. Root observed
that government could be traced back to God's
established rules and grounded on this pure source
if man in his depravity had not disregarded them:
"A pure Republic is that in which the people govern
themselves." As this had been the case since 1639,
he was opposed to any infringement of the people's
rights.
The declaration was then reviewed by sections.
As Alexander Wolcott observed, many of its pro-
visions were superfluous. Two proposals of this
nature were struck out. One had provided that
no citizen should be exiled or prevented from emi-
grating on any pretext. The other declared that
no person should be molested for his opinions on
any subject, nor suffer civil or political incapacity
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 383
in consequence thereof. Other provisions quite
as unnecessary were allowed to remain. If future
students were only able to study the past through
the bill of rights as preventive legislation, they
would arrive at strange views regarding the liberty,
republicanism and history of the state.
Other clauses provided that . there should be
liberty of speech, writing and publication with
libel responsibility; that no law curtailing liberty
of speech or press should be enacted; that libel
cases should be tried by jury; that the home should
be secured from unreasonable searches; that the
accused in criminal prosecutions should have a
hearing, a fair trial, impartial jury, speedy justice,
and, in capital cases a grand jury presentment;
that no person should suffer arrest save according
to law; that no excessive fines or bail be levied;
that habeas corpus be guaranteed; that no person
be attainted by the Legislature; that the right of
assemblage and petition be maintained; that no
hereditary honors or emoluments be granted; that
there be no quartering of troops save in war; and
that jury trial remain inviolate. None of these prin-
ciples had been violated, with the possible exception
of democratic charges of unfair jury trials. The
military power had always been subject to the
civil, and the right of bearing arms had not been
questioned. Some of these rights were guaranteed
by the United States Constitution, while others
were sacred by the common law. Their inclusion
can be accounted for only because such a bill of
584 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
rights was deemed democratic and necessary accord-
ing to the political philosophy of the day.
Other sections of the bill were quite relevant.
The first section declared "that all men when
they form a social compact are equal in rights; and
that no man or set of men are entitled to exclusive
public emoluments or privileges from the com-
munity." That is, there was no longer to be a
Standing Order. The second section declared
"that all political power is inherent in the people,
and all free governments are founded on their
authority, and instituted for their benefit, and that
they have at all times an undeniable and indefeasi-
ble right to alter their form of government in such
manner as they think expedient."" This embodied
the Republican contention that a constitution
should be of the people, not by grace of royal gift.
In this form it was acceptable to the Federalists,
for they had always maintained that the old gov-
ernment had practically, if not nominally, been
grounded on popular sovereignty. Yet it was the
right of revolution which had been called into
question by the treatment of the five justices and
by the opprobrium cast upon Republicanism.
The third section ordered "that the exercise
and enjoyment of religious profession and worship,
without discrimination, shall forever be free to all
^It is interesting to compare this with Hooker's sermon of May
31, 1638, in which, after pointing out that the choice of public magis-
strates belongs to the people, he declared: "They who have the power
to appoint officers and magistrates, it is in their power, also, to set the
bounds and limitations of the power and place into which they call
them." Conn. Hist Soc., Collections, I, 20.
COMPLETION OP THE REVOLUTION 385
persons in this State ; provided that the right hereby
declared ahd established shall not be construed
as to excuse acts of licentiousness or to justify prac-
tices inconsistent with the peace and safety of the
State." The next section enacted that "no pref-
erence shall be given by law to any Christian sect
or mode of worship." The term Christian had
been substituted for religious. While all religious
forms consistent with morality and law were given
legal protection, Christianity was emphasized as
the state's belief. There is a hint of discrimination
against the Hebrew, and possibly the Unitarian.
The second article separated the powers of
government into executive, judicial and legislative
departments." Fairchild argued in favor of this
division, which was in effect in all the other states
and the national government. It would obviate
the danger of further conflicts. In his opinion they
had long been approaching this ideal of separation,
so that it was not such an innovation. Treadwell,
Root, and McClellan feared that the additional pow-
ers given an independent executive would be danger-
ous in case the governor lacked talents and correct
judgment. Treadwell could not assent to the
withdrawal of the governor from the Council of
which he had always been a constituent part.
However, the article was passed without a yea
and nay vote.
A corollary, offered by the committee, provided
that **no person or collection of persons, being
one of those departments, shall exercise any power
" Journal, pp. 20-22.
386 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
properly belonging to either of the others, except
in the instances hereinafter expressly directed or
permitted." Had this been accepted, an artificial
division would have been created, preventing any
overlapping of powers. In the working constitu-
tion the theory has badly broken down." How-
ever, the doctrinaire division was advantageous
in preventing future concentration of power which
had been a chief weakness. The governor was
given a separate identity and the judiciary
independence.
The convention then proceeded to the third
article which related to the Legislature." The
committee's plan of annual sessions alternately
at Hartford and New Haven was at first rejected,
but on reconsideration accepted. The change
was advisable, for it meant an economy in time
and money. A single session could easily pass
the necessary legislation. Six-month terms and
semi-annual elections had been a source of democ-
racy and protection, but with the growth of the
party system and increase in population, they were
becoming of doubtful value.
An amendment was offered, providing for a re-
apportionment of town representation. The com-
mittee report only modified the existing system
by suggesting that in some towns the representa-
tion should be cut down to one member. Fair-
child would give towns under 2,500 people one
representative and those over, two representatives.
^ Baldwin in New Haven Hist Soc., Papers y V, 212.
^Journal, pp. 22 flf.
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 387
James Stevens suggested 4,000 as the line of de-
marcation between large and small towns. Henry
and Nathaniel Terry were impressed with the justice
of the principle, but opposed its adoption on grounds
of expediency. As there were only forty-four
towns with a population over 2,500, and seventy-
six under, the Assembly would be cut down to
one hundred and sixty-four members. Using
* '4,000" would cut the representation down to one
hundred and twenty-four, as there were but four
towns whose population was above that figure. One
of these was Stamford which Stevens represented.
Conservatism ruled. The small towns had no
intention of passing a "self-denying ordinance."
Yet such a re-apportionment was badly needed,
and every future year up to the very present has
increased the injustice of the system of representa-
tion.*^ Pocket-borough conditions, noticeable in
1790, were becoming marked by 1820, because of
the shifting of population toward the larger cities.'®
The privilege, which the committee draft gave the
General Assembly to reduce the representation in
some cases, was struck out by a vote of 112 to 72.
This vote was itself an example of small-town
tyranny. New towns, it was agreed, should only
have one representative. Yet old towns, from
which the new town should be formed, were to
17 Baldwin in New Haven lEst. Soc., Papers, V, 228 ff.; Frank Put-
nam, "What's the matter with New England?" in New Eng. Mag. (N.
S.), 37: 267-290; M. B. Gary, The Connecticut ConstiUUion.
i> For instances: Union with 752 people and a tax list of $17,000,
had as much weight as New Haven with 7,000 population and a list of
$133,000. Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 301.
388 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
retain their full representation unless they con-
sented to its reduction — an unlikely contingency.
One provision required that all debates be public,
save when the public good required secrecy.
McClellan objected to a gallery in the Council
Chamber because it had not been customary. It
was a small body, conducting business in an in-
formal way. Some of its members were plain, un-
educated men, not orators, but sound counselors.
If forced to speak before crowded galleries, their
usefulness would be curtailed. James Lanman
argued against secrecy. He would not accuse the
Council. But who knew whether they plotted
the ruin of the state, engaged in treasonable corre-
spondence, or only busied themselves in promoting
the public welfare? He declared: "There should
be no secrets between the representative and his
constituents. Why should an agent act with-
out letting his principal know what he was doing?"
The result was that the provision was retained in
the constitution, and the new galleries in the
Council were left undisturbed. Another Republic-
an plank was secured.
The Senate, as the Council was rechristened,
was to consist of twelve members according to the
committee's draft, with the provision that the
General Assembly could within two years after
the next census increase the number to twenty-
one, and district the state. Regarded as radical,
this called forth great opposition. On a vote,
it was lost by forty-five to one hundred and thirty-
six. Tread well's motion to include the governor
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 389
and lieutenant governor in the Council found only
fifty-six supporters. Timothy Pitkin with sound
arguments advised against allowing the General
Assembly to determine the number. Other state
constitutions had definitely limited the number
of their senators. If the state was to be districted,
he believed that the districts should be defined in
the constitution, not by the legislators. Judge
Edwards concurred. This should not be left a
bone of contention between the people and the
Legislature. Alexander Wolcott voiced similar
sentiments. Moses Warren moved that the num-
ber be increased to twenty, elected by districts.
On a division, his motion only commanded forty-
eight votes. Motions to fix the number of senators
at sixteen and fourteen both failed. Finally it
was decided that the number of senators should
remain as of old and that they should be elected
at large.*" In a later session Alexander Wolcott
moved for election by districts, losing by 68 to
115. This was a keen disappointment to all the
old Republicans who had long called for a demo-
cratic districting of the state.'®
Other sections were approved readily. Each
House was made the judge of its own members,
discipline and rules. Votes were to be publicly
canvassed by the treasurer, secretary, and comp-
troller. Each House was to keep a journal, pub-
lish proceedings and take yea and nay votes on de-
*• Roger Welles (Conn. Mag., V, 162) compares the Assembly with
its two delegates from every town, regardless of wealth or population,
with the national Senate, leaving the state senate the popular chamber.
" Journal, pp. 57-59.
390 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: I77S-ISIS
mand of a fifth of the members. The usual freedom
from arrest during the session and while journey-
ing back and forth was confirmed, as well as im-
munity for remarks made in debate. The House
of Representatives was empowered to select its
speaker and clerks. A majority was to constitute
a quorum in either House. In case of a tie vote
for senators, decision was to rest with the Lower
House.
Article 4 dealt with the executive department."
In its reported plans the committee incorporated
certain Republican principles, which were accepted
by the convention. It was provided that the
electors (not freemen) should meet in April in
town meeting and vote for the governor, lieutenant
governor, secretary and treasurer. The ballots
were to be counted publicly, the result declared
by the town moderator and certified in a report
by the town clerk to the secretary of state. The
votes should then be canvassed by the treasurer,
comptroller, and secretary in the case of governor
or lieutenant governor, and by the secretary and
comptroller in case of the treasurer, etc., and then
reported to the General Assembly on the first day
of its session. The General Assembly would then
announce the result. In case no man received a
majority, both Houses in joint session selected with-
out debate and by ballot one of the two highest.
This enactment did away with the joint committee
of both Houses as the canvasser of votes, as well as
'^ Journal, pp. 35 fif. See Baldwin in New Haven Hist Soc., Papers
V, 215-216.
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 391
the secret counting of votes. Henceforth there
could be no charge of corruption in counting,
or in the destruction of ballots afterward.
The governor, it was provided, should be an
elector of thirty years of age, although the con-
servative committee had recommended thirty-five
years. The same qualifications held for the lieu-
tenant governor who would act as governor in
case of the latter 's absence, resignation, death, or
refusal to serve. The governor's salary, as well
as the salaries of the lieutenant governor, senators,
and representatives, was left a subject of legislation,
but not dependent on annual votes. This in itself
made the governor more independent. He was em-
powered to act as captain-general of the militia
save when in federal service. This proviso was
seriously objected to by Federalist writers, but
defended by Republicans as rendering impossible
another disgraceful militia struggle.
The governor could call on departmental heads
for reports, and was expected to inform the General
Assembly on all state matters, and recommend
legislation. In case of a failure to agree on a date
of adjournment, the governor was allowed to ad-
journ the chambers to a stated day. He was
responsible for the faithful execution of the laws.
He signed and sealed all commissions. The com-
mittee favored an extensive right of reprieve,
which the convention limited by excepting im-
peachment cases and subjecting all others to re-
view by the next session of the Legislature. A
slight power of suspensive veto was allowed by a vote
392 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: I77S-ISIS
of 127 to 52. Any bill after passing both Houses
was submitted to the governor for approval, and
then to the secretary for promulgation. If the
governor returned the bill unsigned to the House
of origin ii^-ithin three woridng days, it must
again be passed by both Houses when it would
become law in-ithout the governor's signature.
While the governor's powers were still slight
as compared to later American policy, they marked
a great extension over those pne\'iously held by
the chief executive. The governor was no longer
feared, but as the head of an independent execu-
tive occupied a position of power as well as honor.
The lieutenant governor, like the Vice-President
of the United States, was made the predding officer
of the Senate. As such, he had the privilege of
debate when the body sat as a committee of the
whole, and a vote in case of a tie. The secretary
was the recorder of documents, the keeper of the
seal, and the custodian of legislative acts and
orders. Further duties might be imposed by law.
The treasurer assisted the secretary and comp-
troller in canvassing the vote and was responsible
for the state moneys, disbursing them according
to law on warrants registered by the comptroller.
The comptroller, an annual appointee of the Legis-
lature, was commissioned to settle and adjust public
debts, prescribe the mode of keeping accounts, and
act as an ex-officio auditor. The recent legislation
providing that a statement of all receipts, payments,
funds and debts, should be published from time to
time, was incorporated as a matter of course. The
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 393
Status of these officers was scarcely modified by
the constitution save in connection with the count-
ing of the vote. Their duties, however, were de-
fined so that they were generally known.
Sheriffs were to be appointed as formerly by the
General Assembly and were subject to its removal.
They were bonded for the faithful performance
of duties defined by law. In case of a vacancy, an
appointment could be made by the governor to hold
until the next session.
The committee reported a plan for the perma-
nence of the judiciary." Embodying Wolcott's
inaugural suggestion, it was the product of the
keenest legal minds of Connecticut. The judicial
power was defined as invested in a supreme court
of errors, a superior court, and such inferior courts
as the General Assembly might establish. The
justices of the peace as well as the judges of the
various courts were to be appointed by the General
Assembly in such number as the work of the di-
verse counties required. Their powers and juris-
diction were to be defined by statute. Supreme
court and superior court judges were to retain
office during good behavior or until the retire-
ment age of seventy years. They were made re-
sponsible through impeachment or removal by the
governor on address of two-thirds of both Houses.
The committee herein incorporated the best princi-
ples of the various judicial systems, while retain-
ing the essentials of the old organization. They
" Journalf pp. 39 ff., 89-90. See Reasons for an Independent Judici-
ary in Conn. Journal, Aug. 4, 1818.
■l»y>l
394 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
guarded against another Jeff ersonian experience with
a reactionary, hostile judiciary, by making use of the
British method of address, which was in vogue in
some of the other states. This would enable the
Legislature to eliminate a judge who was out of har-
mony with the time. No article, which the com-
mittee reported, better evidenced their construc-
tive ability.
This section did not pass without several tests
of strength. Alexander Wolcott proposed an
amendment which would have meant the retention
of the yearly appointments. He felt that it was a
novel doctrine for which the people were not ready.
He did not believe that it would raise appointees
above partisan motives and influence ; nor could he
understand why a judge more than any other
officer should hold for good behavior. In England,
it might be well, for it enabled a judge to oppose
an extension of the prerogative. Judicial functions
were more important than those of representatives.
But who would make the latter independent?
Judges should be just as responsible to the people.
Henry Terry, a Federalist, argued that the experience
of other states should have weight. There were no
complaints of the judicial tenure where this prin-
ciple was in force. Even in Connecticut the formal
reappointment of judges had the effect of giving
the judiciary permanence. In states like Rhode
Island and Vermont, where the judiciary is depend-
ent, complaints of partisan judges are rife. The
same conditions might prevail under rotation in
Connecticut. A permanency would serve the
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 395
people as much as in England, for it would safe-
guard them from a legislative, if not a regal
prerogative. Root spoke in accord with Terry.
While Nathan Smith of the Toleration group
did not question Wolcott's motive, he was sur-
prised that one could believe "that a judiciary
deriving their existence from the Legislature; de-
pending on the will of that body for their support,
and that of their families ; and liable to be removed
without cause,, and cast destitute upon the world,
if they do not execute its mandates, however op-
pressive or unconstitutional, will stand as an inde-
pendent umpire between man and man and ad-
minister justice." The two-thirds majority of
both Houses was a sufficient protection. When a
judge lost the people's confidence, his removal would
not be difficult. Again, the Legislature would
have a bridle in their control of judicial salaries.
Jefferson in the Virginia constitutional conven-
tion had argued for this principle. With a touch
of cynicism, he suggested, Jefferson did not dis-
regard the people's liberties. In all American
constitutions, in which this or similar clauses were
in effect, practice bore out the views of jurists,
that an independent judiciary was the greatest
safeguard of liberty. The New Haven Address
in which the man from Middletown was personally
interested had demanded an independent judiciary.
Newspapers, reiterating this demand, had assailed
the government. Without a just judge, the poor
man would be oppressed and the minority party
deprived of its chief protection. He prayed that
riisa
396
COSSECnCUT IS TRASSmOS: 177^1il8
"political considerations should never enter the
Temple of Justice, — ^Justice would flee from sudi
unhallowed ground/' His argument struck die
mark* It displa>'ed in a glaring lig^t the incon-
fflstendes of some of the radical Republicans.
Yet political reasons explain the attitude, not of
Smith, one of the most learned lawyers, but of
some of the reactionary Federalists.
Treadwell declared that, if the committee's re-
port was accepted, this would be the comer-stone
and glory of Connecticut, as it had been that of
England. English judges did not buy or sell
justice. A permanent judiciary would tend to-
ward learned, uniform decisions consistent with
precedent. It would add certainty in the law,
to the satisfaction of enlightened attorneys. Aaron
Austin reported that for thirty years he had in-
clined toward just such a change. The question
of a good-behavior tenure had often been discussed.
Then, there was less reason for an insistence on
permanency. He recalled how Ohio had once
turned out all her judges.
Alexander Wolcott again spoke in favor of his
amendment. He voiced astonishment that men,
who had always depicted the excellence of the
government, should now be loudest in calling for
this change. Temperament, not tenure, was the
test of a true judge. It would be a departure from
democratic principle of rotation in office. In the
New Haven convention the subject, he confessed,
had not been as thoroughly considered. Further-
more, it was a party business in that instance, when
■aai^Md^^S
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 397
"writhing as they thought under oppression," the
delegates were for any change, even life judges.
In answer to the argument that a dependent judge
would not declare a legislative act unconstitutional,
Wolcott offered as his opinion that any judge de-
ciding a law unconstitutional should be expelled.
He denied that in the United States Supreme Court
it was anything but an usurped power. As for
the amount of litigation, that depended solely upon
the people and lawyers. In England, he begged
to add that law was so expensive that a poor man's
only chance was to be dragged into court as victim.
On a call for the yeas and nays, he found only
sixty-seven supporters.
A motion by Moses Warren for a five-year tenure
was likewise negatived. James Lanman, another
Democrat, moved for a three-year term. This
too was defeated by a vote of 98 to 88. James
Stevens then proposed that the words "during the
pleasure of the General Assembly" be substituted
for good behavior, only to be defeated by 105 to
76. Enoch Burrows, another original Republican,
in a last attempt endeavored to have struck out
the two- thirds provision, so that a legislative recall
would only require a majority vote.
On the question of the whole section the report,
with slight verbal modification, was accepted by
a vote of III to 78. The one himdred and eleven
included all the Federalists and Tolerationists,
whereas the seventy-eight were generally Republi-
cans. It was evident that the moderate Republi-
cans, liberal Federalists and Tolerationists con-
398 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
trolled the convention. The "Revolution" was
essentially the work of the independent voter
rather than of the Republican party.
It is not difficult to understand the Federalist
support of this measure, for all along men like
Zephaniah Swift and President Dwight had pointed
to the judiciary as the weak spot in the govern-
ment. The men of unreasoning Federalism had
not criticised this institution, but the revolution-
izing of the judiciary had aroused their fears. Since
the reform party came into power, Calvin Goddard
and Simeon Baldwin of the superior court had
been displaced, along with some twenty-five county
court justices, ten probate judges and, it was
charged, about six hundred justices of the peace.
Not until 1 8 19 were the other Federalist members
of the superior court retired.** These changes
satisfied the Republican opportunist. Control-
ling the Legislature, they were supreme. It would
lead to the belief that Federalist charges of office
seeking were not in part true, in view of the hesi-
tancy of Republicans to favor Wolcott's suggestion
relative to the judiciary. Their obstructive tactics,
however, did not defeat the independent judiciary.
^Courani, July 14, 1818. The Conn. Herald, Sept. 15, believed
that the late Legislature had been generous to a fault, leaving two-
thirds of the offices in Federalist hands. Trumbull said, in his Address,
that with a few exceptions there had been a clean sweep of sheriffs,
judges of common pleas, justices, probate judges, court clerks and even
turnpike commissioners. Zephaniah Swift (1801), John Trumbull
(1801), William Edmond, Nathaniel Smith (1806), James Gould (1816),
were all retired from the superior court in 1819; Jeremiah Brainerd
(1806-1829) and Stephen Hosmer (1815-1833) were retained. Sedg-
wick, Litchfield Bar, p. 2; Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History , p. 137.
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 399
The suffrage qualification as adopted in Article 6
slightiy modified tiie recentiy enacted law. All
persons who had been admitted prior to the ratifi-
cation of the constitution were guaranteed the
suffrage. The voting privilege was granted to every
white male citizen of the United States of good
moral character, who had gained a settiement in
the state, reached the age of twenty-one, and had
resided in the town at least six months, providing
that he possessed within the state a freehold of
seven dollars a year; or had performed militia
service within the past twelve-month, if not legally
excused from such service; or had paid taxes dur-
ing the past year." On taking the freeman's oath
he would be made an elector by the clerk and select-
men of the town. Treadwell's motion to strike
out the militia qualification was defeated, 113 to
67. A motion to associate, as in the past, the civil
authorities with the selectmen on the freemen's
board was defeated by 91 to 82. Virtually this
meant manhood suffrage.
Voting privileges were forfeited on conviction
of bribery, forgery, perjury, duelling, fraudulent
bankruptcy or theft. Treadwell seems to have
been responsible for the inclusion of duelling, for
he had tried to include an anti-duelling provision
in the bill of rights. Every elector was made
eligible to any office except as otherwise provided
in the constitution. In principle this was not new.
All votes were to be by written ballot. The first
*^ Journal, pp. 46 flf."
400
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Monday in April was established as election day.
All freemen were immune from arrest on any civil
process on their way to and from the polls. To
prevent disorder at elections, it was ordered that
laws should be passed prohibiting under adequate
penalties all undue influence, bribery and tumul-
tuous conduct. The disgraceful conduct at the
late Hartford town meeting had deeply impressed
those who dreaded a broader suffrage.
The seventh article dealing with religion was one
of the greatest importance.** With this omitted,
the constitution would not have been approved
by the dissenter or the ardent Republican. In
this separation of Congregationalism from the
state lay their chief interest. Baptist resolu-
tions and petitions, passed and circulated while
the convention was in session, had threatened
that a constitution, failing to embody their views on
religious toleration, would not command their
support.*' This had an effect, especially as the
Methodists were known to be of like mind. The
views of these dissenting elements had become the
vital part of the Tolerationists* political philosophy.
Wolcott had expressed this principle in his address
to the General Assembly, so that on this question
the Tolerationists stood committed.
The drafting of this article was assigned by the
committee to Gideon Tomlinson and Joshua Stowe,
" Journal, pp. 49 flf.
^ Resolutions of Baptist Convention at Hartford in Mercury, Aug.
11, 1818; for other Baptist and Methodist resolves, see Mercury, Aug.
25, CauratUf Aug. 11, 1818; Greene, Religious Liberty, p. 486.
■h
COMPLETION OP THE REVOLUTION 401
two Jeffersonian Republicans.*^ Their report
closely followed Wolcott's wording:
(1) It being the right and duty of all men to worship
the Supreme Being, the Great Creator and Preserver of the
universe, in the mode most consistent with the dictates of
their consciences; no person shall be compelled to join or
support, nor by law be classed with, or associated to any
congregation, church or religious association. And each
and every society or denomination of Christians in this
State, shall have and enjoy the same and equal powers,
rights and privileges; and shall have power and authority
to support and maintain the Ministers or Teachers of their
respective denominations, and to build and repair houses
for public worship, by a tax on the members of their respec-
tive societies only, or in any other manner.
(2) If any person shall choose to separate himself from
the society or denomination of Christians, to which he may
belong, and shall leave a written notice thereof with the
clerk of such society, he shall thereupon be no longer liable for
any future expenses, which may be incurred by said society.
It has been said that this article was drawn up by
Rev. Asahel Morse, a Baptist preacher represent-
ing Suffield. Such an assertion appears groundless."
Morse offered a substitute section for the bill of
rights, which had been rejected:
That rights of conscience are inalienable; that all persons
have a natural and indefeasible right to worship Almighty
God according to their own consciences; and no person shall
be compelled to attend any place of worship, or contribute
to the support of any minister, contrary to his own choice.
While his substitute did not bear any more simi-
larity to the wording adopted by the committee
'^ William Hungerford, one of the committee, so informed TrumbulL
Historical Notes, p. 57, footnote.
»• Burrage, History of the Baptists, pp. 132-133; Trumbull, Historical
Notes y p. 57; Greene, Religious Liberty , p. 490.
402
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
than many Baptist resolutions, the principle was
the same. The assertion of his authorship can
be accredited only to a sectarian desire to assume
the whole credit for the inclusion of the religious
toleration clause. Morse at best was more of a
politician than preacher, thereby violating the very
principle of which he was the reputed standard
bearer.
The principle of voluntary support was embodied,
while at the same time the tithe system of Con-
gregational is ts and Episcopalians was l^alized.
Freedom of conscience was guaranteed to all men,
but equality of rights only to Christians. It com-
pletely separated church and state in such a way
that it would practically cause the temporary de-
struction of the societies. This the Congrega-
tionalists of the convention would not suffer.
The article was hotly contested by the Federalist
leaders. Stowe, who was not afraid of a dissolution
of the old societies, declared that "if this section
is altered in any way, it will curtail the great prin-
ciples for which we contend." On being submitted,
the first section was affirmed by 103 to 86 votes.
A motion to strike out the second section was lost
by 84 to 105. These votes exactly register the
relative strength of the parties, and measure the
power of the intrenched minority. Treadwell
agreed that it might be well to permit any mode
of worship, but he would not draft such a principle
in the constitution. It might even be interpreted
to cover heathenish image worship, like that of the
ancients.
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION ^ 403
Nathaniel Terry submitted two amendments to
the first section which were readily affirmed without
a vote. One provided that every person belong-
ing to a located society remained a member until
his connection had been legally dissolved. Accord-
ing to the other amendment, a tithe could only be
laid by a majority of the legal voters in a legally
announced society meeting. These amendments
were regarded as necessary to prevent an immediate
demoralization, for the Congregationalists actually
feared that, the legal ties removed, numbers of
their brethren, especially young men, would evade
their society tax. The easy passage of these
amendments can be ascribed to Episcopalian
influence.
Despite the leadership of Treadwell, Terry and
Pitkin, Federalists "could not prevent the com-
plete severance of church from state, the consti-
tutional guaranty of the rights of conscience, or
the recognition of the absolute equality before the
law of all Christian denominations."** Republican
and sectarian had forced the hand of the Standing
Order.
The article on education, with minor verbal
changes, was accepted as submitted by the com-
mittee.'® The charter of Yale as modified by an
agreement with the corporation in pursuance of the
act of the General Assembly of 1792 was confirmed.
The school fund was declared a perpetual fund
*• Trumbull, Historical Notes^ p. 56.
*^ Journal, p. 54; Baldwin "Ecclesiastical Constitution of Yale
College," in New Haven Hist. Soc., Papers, HI, 415.
404 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
whose income could be used only in supporting and
encouraging the public or common schools, and never
diverted to other uses. Certainly this was not
unfriendly legislation on the part of men who
had been arraigned as plotters against the college
and schools.
The ninth article dealing with impeachment was
accepted as recommended by the committee.'*
It was very similar to that provided for in the
national constitution.
The tenth article included important general
provisions of diverse nature. An oath of office
for executive officials and members of the General
Assembly was formulated. Annual town meetings
were provided for the election of selectmen and
police officers. A long section guaranteed the
rights and status of all existing corporations.
All judicial officers were to hold until the follow-
ing June, unless they resigned or were removed
according to law. The secretary and treasurer
were to serve until their successors were selected.
Military officers were to continue until regularly
removed. All laws not inconsistent with the con-
stitution were to be in force until their expiration
or repeal. These were temporary provisions in
order to smooth the transition from the old to the
new government. The validity of all bonds, debts,
contracts, personal or corporate, suits, actions and
the like was guaranteed. This clause set at ease
those who feared or who gave credence to Federalist
claims that a constitution would mean an over-
" Journal^ p. 54.
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 405
throw, a repudiation of debts, and an invalidation
of all legal agreements. A fourth section ordained
that no judge of the superior or supreme courts,
member of Congress, federal office holder, state
treasurer, secretary or comptroller, sheriff or deputy
sheriff should be eligible to the General Assembly.
Henceforth this body could not be described as a
set of office holders, or its independence questioned."
Article eleven, describing the method of amend-
ment, was adopted as reported. Whenever a
majority of the House deemed it necessary to
alter the constitution, they might propose such
alterations as they saw fit. These were to be
published and continued until the next General
Assembly when, if they were approved by two-
thirds of both Houses, copies were to be sent by
the secretary to the various town clerks who were
to submit them to the electors in freemen's meet-
ing. If the proposals were approved by a majority
vote, they became part of the organic law."
^ A motion by McClellan, that no federal officer should be eligible
to a judgeship, was defeated. A proposal that ''no clergyman or
preacher of the gospel of any denomination, shall be capable of holding
any civil office in this State, or of being a member of either branch of
the Legislature, while he continues in the exercise of the pastoral or
clerical functions," was laid on the table. Journal, pp. 26, 54, 55.
" Journal, p. 55. The method of amendment was made intention-
ally difficult. Up to 1891, Judge Baldwin points out that but 28 out
of 96 proposed amendments passed. While in his opinion most of the
amendments have been of negative value, the difficulty in driving
them through has made for a permanence of the constitution, to the
point of weakness. Experience has belied the prediction of the con-
temporary Scottish traveller. New Haven ffist. Soc., Papers, V, 227,
242-245; Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History, p. 58.
Duncan, after stopping a few days in New Haven, wrote: "It does
. ■ Jr. — rsa.. u *» - ■ - j
406 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: I775-I8I8
September 12 and 14 were given over to a con-
sideration of the whole constitution.** A last
futile stand was made by the radical Republicans
to district the state and render worthless the judi-
ciary clauses. The independent judiciary was
secured by a vote of 114 to 53. Timothy Pitkin
moved to strike out the whole clause on religion,
changing his motion to refer to the first section.
On a call for a yea and nay vote, it was defeated
by 1 14 to 79. A similar motion with regard to the
second section was defeated by 114 to 72. These
votes and motions displayed Congregational-
Federalism at its worst. Nathaniel Terry made a
last assault on the single session plan, but the
Assembly was opposed to two annual sessions.
Lest the radical and reactionary elements continue
the discussion indefinitely, Pierrepont Edwards's
resolution calling for a final vote on the constitution
however seem ominous of evil, that so little ceremony is at present used
with the constitutions of the various States. The people of Connecti-
cut, not contented with having prospered abundantly under the old
system, have lately assembled a convention, composed of delegates
from all parts of the country, in which the former order of things has
been condemned entirely, and a completely new constitution manu-
factured; which, among other things, provides for the same process
being again gone through, as soon as the profanum vulgus takes it into
its head to desire it. A sorry legacy the British Constitution would
be to us, if it were at the mercy of a meeting of delegates, to be sum-
moned whenever a majority of the people take a fancy for a new one;
and I am afraid that if the Americans continue to cherish a fondness
for such repairs, the highlandman's pistol with its new stock, lock and
barrel, will bear a close resemblance to what is ultimately produced.
This is universal suffrage in its most pestilent character." Travels,
II, 335.
** Journal, pp. 61 ff.
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 407
at 5 p.m., September 15, was adopted. The
cloture went into effect; and the constitution as
returned by the engrossing committee was read
through and approved by a vote of 154 to 61.
This was not a strictly party vote." There were
at least seventy-one Federalists in the conven-
tion, so that some ten or eleven must have voted
for the constitution . A few more must have so voted,
for several Republicans voted **nay." Nathaniel
Terry, Henry Terry, Judge Mitchell, William Todd,
John McClellan and R. Pierpont were among
some of the best known Federalists who favored
the new instrument of government. James
Stevens, Robert Fairchild, the assistant secretary,
and Alexander Wolcott who proved an obstruc-
tionist in his cjnsistent voting against the more
moderate of his party, were the most prominent
Republicans who opposed the constitution.**
All of the Federalists who lived in the past voted
against the constitution as a sacred duty. In
general the members of both parties followed their
party counsels on this question which alone marked
the division between parties.
^ Cf. Trumbull. Historical NoUs, p. 58.
"John M. Niles of the Hartford Times wrote: "The delibeiatioDB
and conclusions of a majority of the convention were not such as to
commend themselves to the enlarged comprehension, the progressive
republican mind, and high expectations of Wolcott .... The
Constitution as presented, he discovered as defective, as unjust, as
founded on no basis of republican equality, as avoiding in important
particulars accountability and responsibility, as a mere embodiment of
the charter of 1662, which, thou^ liberal in its day, was not adapted
to present circumstances and the changed condition of the country
and times in 1818." Stiles, Windsor, p. 835.
■*■■■■
408 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
The chart will give an idea of the sectionalism
of the vote, as it shows how the del^ates of each
town voted. Seventy-six towns were represented
by men in favor of the constitution. The dele-
gates of thirty- two towns were opposed; of eleven
towns divided. The delegate from one town
failed to vote.
It was then resolved that the constitution should
be signed by the president, countersigned by the
clerks, and deposited with the secretary of state.
Seven hundred copies were ordered to be distrib-
uted to the town clerks who were to submit the
constitution to the electors on the first Monday
in October. It was finally agreed that a majority
vote of the electors should suffice for ratification,
after motions for three-fifths, four-sevenths, and five-
ninths had failed. A slight amendment was made
the next day, September i6, by which the powers
of government were continued in the hands of the
governor, lieutenant governor and General As-
sembly until the following May, in order that there
be no interregnum. A vote of thanks expressed
the general satisfaction with Governor Wolcott as
moderator. With that the convention adjourned
on September i6.'^
The constitution which resulted from their
three-weeks deliberation was bound to win the
support of all fair-minded men.** It did not
*'' Journal, pp. 71-72. The Convention cost the state $11,313.25,
accordmg to the treasury debenture. Mercury, Nov. 10, 1818.
•• Cf. Baldwin in New Haven Hist Soc., Papers, V, 227; preface of
Revised Statutes (1821).
COMPLETION OP THE REVOLUTION 409
satisfy several Republican extremists, nor the
reactionary third of the members. It was essen-
tially a compromise, although its principles were
distinctly those of moderate Republicans. Its
mere phraseology evidenced the inbred conserva-
tism of even the so-called liberal members.
Changes were few, but invariably for the best.
The old rights of the towns were guaranteed.
Representation remained the same; the state was
not districted. The offices remained pretty much
as of old. Christianity was honored; the quasi-
legal connection between Congregationalism and
the state was severed. There was no display
of anticlericalism; the one measure aimed at the
ministry was laid upon the table. Education
was secured. The powers of government were
divided ; the judiciary was made independent. In a
word, the governmental institutions and practices
of the past were revised, brought up to date, and
set forth as the organic law of the state, instead of
being left undetermined in the shadowy back-
ground of usage and statutory provisions. The
arrangement of the constitution as a state docu-
ment is confused, but its language is simple and
has required little interpretation by the courts.'*
Such was the constitution submitted to the free-
men at their town meetings.
Ratification by the voters remained in doubt
until the last. So many Democrats were ill
pleased with the constitution that its acceptance
** The bill of rights has required more interpretation than all other
articles combined. Loomis and Calhoun, Judicial History ^ p. 58.
410
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
depended upon Federalist votes. Some of the
delegates did not feel called upon to argue its
merits before their constituents. This was espe-
cially true of the Federalists, who voted in conven-
tion in accordance with their own views rather
than those of their party. Gen. Nathaniel Terry
used his great political influence to win Federalist
votes and to swing Hartford for the constitution.
Seth P. Beers, a leading Tolerationist lawyer,
thought that Terry did more than any other in-
dividual to secure its ratification.*®
Federalists argued that ninety days was a short
time in which to evolve a system of government,
breaking so radically with the past.*^ Time enough
had not been given to its consideration, for it
must be remembered that under it their chil-
dren's children must live. This instrument of
government was drawn in three weeks, by partisans
in the heat of factional strife. If it was in any
way moderate, that was due to the watchfulness of
Federalist leaders. They alone prevented the gerry-
mandering of the state. It was intimated that
under the constitution innovations would continue
until Democrats had their will. Passage by a
bare majority, they argued, was not right, for it
left a strong minority with too little protection.
The militia were advised to look well into a con-
stitution which in case of war gave so much au-
*• Trumbull, Historical Notes, p. 59.
^ The Crisis, p. 16; Courant, Sept. 15, 22, 29, Oct. 6; Corm. Mirror^
Sept. 21, Oct. 5; Conn. Journal, Sept 15, 22, Oct. 6, 1818; Trumbull,
Address, pp. 12 ft. Robbins wrote: "Should it be adopted, I shall view
the event as a great frown of heaven." Duujt I, 759.
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 411
thority over them to the federal executive. Hart-
ford papers charged New Haven leaders with a
selfish localism in favoring the constitution simply
because it made New Haven a capital. They
were charged with already boasting that the city's
business would increase and property values rise
twenty-five per cent, and with contending that for
these reasons property owners and merchants should
support the constitution. Then, there was an at-
tempt to capitalize sympathy for Governor Tread-
well who was said to have been treated unfairly, if
not worse, by the aggressive majority of the con-
vention. This may have had considerable influence
with the old element which Treadwell represented.
The one clause in the constitution, which Federal-
ists defended, was that establishing an independent
judiciary, which they could honestly maintain had
been incorporated because of Federalist support.
Tolerationists were won by the religious pro-
visions. Republicans were not as ardent sup-
porters as one might expect. They were disap-
pointed in the failure to district the state, a principle
for which they had long contended. It was not
done until 1827. They were afraid of the judiciary.
On the whole, they regarded the constitution as
better than no constitution. Furthermore, there
was the amending clause in which they lodged
future hopes.**
October fifth told the tale. A heavy vote was
cast in all towns; only Burlington failed to make
a return. For the constitution, there were 13,918
^ Conn, Herald, New Haven Register, and if erciiry— issues of Sq>t. 29.
412
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: mS-MS
votes to 12,364, or a majority of 1,554 votes out
of a total of 26,282.** The closeness of the vote
is evidence that the constitution did not command
the full reform electorate. Federalists complained
that there was no majority, for the state had over
thirty thousand freemen; and that there were
more than 1,554 ^^^' voters, the purit>' of whose
votes was dubious. The returns were made to the
October session of the General Assembly, which
declared that the ratified constitution was the
supreme law of the commonwealth.**
The vote by towns is interesting. By looking
at the chart and comparing the vote with that
cast in 1817, it will be seen that in general the
towns voted according to party. The number of
bolters or independent, voters was seldom suf-
ficient to throw a Wolcott town against the consti-
^ Journal (appendix), pp. 117-118; Conn, Journal and Mercury,
Oct. 13. The following table gives the vote by counties; one town b
missing in Hartford County, and the town of Litchfield cast a tie vote.
O W KTi ES
Hartford
New Haven .
New London
Fairfield . . . .
Windham. . .
Litchfield . . .
Middlesex . . .
Tolland
VOIS8
Tom
For
Against
For
2,234
2,843
5
2,385
1,572
12
1,740
792
10
1,836
1,019
15
1,777
1,671
9
2,027
2,779
5
1,051
786
5
868
902
5
13,918
12,364
66
Against
12
5
4
2
6
16
2
5
52
^Journal (appendix), pp. 119-121; Conn, Journal, Oct 13.
» -
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 413
tution. On the other hand, the constitution was
ratified by towns not in the reformers' list. Fed-
eralist losses are readily seen along with the more
state- wide Toleration strength. A comparison
with the religious chart will make clear the impor-
tance of the dissenters' vote, for where dissent
thrived, the town was for ratification. New
Haven County offered a surprise, in that only
five of its seventeen towns registered against the
constitution. The city of New Haven gave a
two to one vote in favor of the constitution. Ap-
parently there was some truth in charges that
selfish localism had won the day. Fairfield and
New London as dissenting counties gave the
heaviest majorities for the constitution by towns;
only six of their thirty-one voted "nay." Litch-
field and Hartford counties gave heavy Federalist
majorities, while Tolland went Federalist by a small
vote. The hostility of the purely agricultural towns
can only be ascribed to the unreasoning conserva-
tism of the Connecticut countryman which time has
scarcely weakened.
As evidence of the party character of the vote,
sixteen towns repudiated their delegates who had
favored the constitution. Of those towns, whose
delegates were divided in the convention, six re-
fused to follow Republican extremists in their op-
position, while the rest failed to support their
Federalist delegates who had favored the consti-
tution.**
^The following towns repudiated their delegates who voted no:
Hartford, East Windsor, Enfield, Granby, Simsbury, Guilford, Lisbon,
414 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
The adoption of the constitution was a cause
of satisfaction. Republicans considered it their
work, and claimed the credit. While not alto-
gether pleased, they regarded it as a written safe-
guard of their rights, civil and religious.** Its
adoption brought political quiet, for, as Judge
Trumbull wrote, it "quieted the minds of those
who wished for an enlargement of the right of
suffrage and for greater freedom in religion."*'
Trumbull, Columbia, Hampton, Lebanon, Norfolk, Plymouth, Roz
bury, Washington and East Haddam.
East Hartford, Greenwich, Stratford, Ashford, Middletown and
Stamford reprimanded the bolting Republicans by voting for the Con-
stitution. Six towns — Wethersfield, Pomfret, Woodstock, Cornwall,
Harwinton, and Winchester — whose delegates were divided, voted
down the constitution.
^ "There seems to be great rejoicing of Democracy and triumphings
of the wicked at the adoption of the new constitution. They evidently
consider it a triumph over righteousness," wrote Robbins. Diary , I, 759.
The Mercury (October 13) wrote editorially: "Connecticut has now
a Constitution, founded on sound and liberal principles. The rights of
all are secured; and the humble Christian is now permitted to worship
his God without fearing the lash of civil persecution." Barstow in his
History of New Hampshire (p. 426) wrote that all men of independent
and enlightened views rejoiced at this sundering of church and state
in Connecticut.
*^ Judge Trumbull, a displaced judge and despiser of reform, de-
clared: "The formation and adoption of the new Constitution has
quieted the minds of those who wished for an enlargement of the right
of suffrage, and for greater freedom in religion. All male citizens above
twenty-one years of age may now vote at our elections and the small
nominal superiority which the Congregationalists had over the other
denominations, arising solely from their being a majority, is now re-
moved; and all are placed on a periect level. Whether these provisions
are wise or unwise, and whether it was discreet to cause such changes
in our political institutions, is not now to be questioned. All agree
that the Constitution must be implicitly obeyed, as the supreme law
of the land." Address (1819), p. 1. Cf. Church, Historical Address,
p. 67.
COMPLETION OF THE REVOLUTION 415
The spirit of bitterness aroused by the partisan-
ship of pamphleteers died down. Men repented
the violence of the past. As HoUister, who hesi-
tated to treat this period in 1855, wrote:
Gradually too most of them [partisans] learned to rev-
erence the old Charter, for the good U had done during a
hundred and fifty years of hard and honest service, while
at the same time they spoke, some loudly, and others in a
more subdued tone, in praise of the constitution, which
gave equal rights, ecclesiastical as well as civil, to all inhabit-
ants of the state.**
Right-minded Federalists, even opponents of the
constitution, counseled its acceptance. The party
officially condemned the revolution in its mani-
festoes to the voters, in a vain attempt to make
an issue of the question. This was impossible.
The party was dying and the constitution vote
sounded its knell.
The years 181 8-1 819 witnessed the completion
of the revolution.** Governor Wolcott in October
« Connecticut, 11, 516.
** Church Ms. "In the great revolution which immediately fol-
lowed the retirement of Governor Smith, and of which his rejection was
the first great wave, Connecticut abdicated her Christian standing.
The ancient spirit which had shaped her institutions, and linked her,
in her corporate capacity, to the throne of the Ahnighty for almost
two hundred years, was then expelled, and the State ceased hence-
forth, to wield power as a religious trust. New and alien principles
obtained the ascendancy, and the divine life, imbreathed into the Com-
monwealth, by its godly founders, was no longer the controlling law.
The multiplication of Christian sects undoubtedly rendered a strict
adherence to the original constitution both unwise and impossible, but
could not justify such a total departure from the old foundations.
Schisms in the Church can never necessitate the apostasy of the State."
Eulogy in Andrews, John Cotton Smith, p. 40. Treadwell's life "involves
416 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
advised a revision of the laws in conformity with
the constitution. The code appeared in 182 1. A
new plan of taxation as suggested by the governor
and the committee of investigation was adopted.
Property was henceforth taxed according to its
value, not its estimated productivity. Poll taxes
were lessened; burdens were equalized; and pro-
fessional skill and personal initiative were no
longer penalized. Agriculturalists were less apt
to emigrate. In a word, taxes were equalized and
fairly apportioned.
Supplementary laws were passed. An act
provided for the admission of freemen and for the
canvassing of votes. A new election law was
passed. A judiciary act followed. School funds
were ordered apportioned to the districts on the basis
of children of school age, not on that of taxable
wealth. Within a short time not only the Epis-
copalians, but the Methodists had their colleges.
Marriages were recognized, if performed by other
than Congregational ministers or those in legally
established societies or by magistrates. This
democratic legislation completed the reform
movement.
The greatest single result of the reiorm move-
ment, which culminated in the written consti-
tution, was after all the severance of the union of
that of the last days of the Puritan dynasty, and of a revolution which
although bloodless, and for the most part peaceful, produced a change
in the political aspect of the Commonwealth as marked and real, as
those which overturn the most powerful empires/' Olmstead, Treai'
well, pp. 3-4.
COMPLETION OP THE REVOLUTION 417
church and state.'® The divorce redounded to
the advantage of both. No longer could there
be a "religious test" for office holders. Religion
was made purely volimtary. A man might belong
to any church or no church; he might contribute
to the support of religion or not, as he pleased.
No longer were men legally dissenters or "certifi-
cate-men." No longer was there a tithe which
men must pay or, as the New Haven Register
charged, see even their Bible seized and sold."
Yet religion was not destroyed, as the Standing
Order had predicted, when the Gospel should be left
to voluntary support.
The abolition of the tithe at first embarrassed
the finances of the Congregational societies, but
they managed to support their ministry through
the income from the church and glebe lands early
donated by the state and never confiscated under
the plea of separation by the American "Jacobins."
Moreover, there was a revenue from the rental of
pews, popular subscriptions, bequests to the
society fund, and in some parishes dividends
from bank stock. In an occasional society the
tithe system was voluntarily retained for a time."
w Tudor, LeUers, p. 93; Wilson, Travels, p. 104; Hetrick, Canterbury^
p. 8; Peck, Burlington^ p. 18; Pease and Niles, Gazetteer ^ p. 19; Gold,
Carnwally p. 135. Cf. Rev. Washington Gladden, ''Anti-Papal Panic,"
Harper's Weekly, July 18, 1914.
" C(mn. Mirror, Oct. 26, 1818.
"Tor financial arrangements, see: Allen, Enfield, pp. 1570 ff.,2572,
2591; Sherman, Naugatuck, p. 11; Baker, MontviUe, pp. 654-657; Sedg-
wick, Sharon, pp. 95 ff.; Gold, Cornwall, p. 135; Orcutt, W<dcoU, p. 91;
Lamed, Windham County, II, 452; Beardsley, Episcopal Church, 11, 64»
174; Barstow, New Hampshire, pp. 422-424.
418 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-I8I8
Episcopalian congregations contrived to sustain
themselves by subscriptions and pew-rentals,
Methodists and Baptists suffered, as many of their
members had seceded from the regular societies for
financial or administrative reasons rather than
because of religious convictions. Their growth
slackened. Too often luke-warm members for-
sook the contribution box even while retaining
membership in the society. Yet there was little
real hardship under the voluntary system.
Morally the Congregational church received a
stimulus." Men no longer seceded because of
monetary reasons. The onus of a state church
was removed. The old charge of a clerical tyr-
anny lost force. There was still a feeling of social
superiority on the part of its members, but at any
rate this had no legal recognition. Hence in the
future this sect, as all others, had to depend on its
spiritual force. The reaction against infidelity
encouraged the revivals of 1818 and the following
years.'* A foreign mission school, which had been
established in Cornwall in 18 17, was thriving.
**As Rev. R. C. S. McNeille preached: "But Congregationalism
has not always been at its best. It was not so when it held onto the
mechanism of the Standing Order, when in so many influential quar-
ters it opposed the revivals which began about 1740; .... when
its members were almost all of them of aristocratic tendencies in their
politics, when it long looked with disfavor upon the use of the lay ele-
ment in church work One of the strong points of Con-
gregationalism hereabouts has been its respectability. It has almost
died of it." One Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary of Association of
Fairfieldy pp. 55-56.
"Rev. Joel Ives, Sermon (July 9, 1876), p. 10; Porter, Discourse
(1820), p. 18; Anderson, Waterbury, pp. 1627-1629; South, Guilford,
p. 104; Dudley, Cromwell, p. 15.
COMPLETION OP THE REVOLUTION 419
Sunday schools were being established to teach
the Congregational catechism which had been
driven out of the public schools." Noah Porter
declared in 1821 that no year had been so favor-
able or more prolific of good results." Later Con-
gregational authorities agree that in the end the
separation benefited the church. Certainly no one
will maintain that the interests of the state were
prejudiced.
Lyman Beecher who so dreaded a voluntarily
supported ministry lived to see his fears refuted.
His son, the editor of his autobiography, described
the sadness of the Beecher family'^ from whom a
"perfect wail arose" when they had been informed
by John P. Brace of the Democratic success:
I remember seeing father the day after the election,
sitting on one of the old-fashioned rush-bottomed kitchen
chairs, his head drooping on his heart, and his arms hanging
down. "Father," said I, "what are you thinking of?" He
answered solemnly, "The Church of God." .... It
was a time of great depression and sufiFering It
was as dark a day as ever I saw. The odium thrown upon
the ministry was inconceivable. The injury done to the
cause of Clmst, as we then supposed, was irreparable. For
several days I suffered what no tongue can tell for the best
thing that ever happened to the Stale of Connecticut. It cut
the churches loose from dependence on state support. It
threw them wholly on their own resources and on God.
. . , . They say ministers have lost their influence; the
fact is, they have gained. By voluntary efforts, societies,
missions, and revivals, they exert a deeper influence than
ever they could by queues and shoe buckles, and cocked
hats and gold-headed canes.
» Rilboume, Sketches, p. 92; Gold, Cornwall, p. 29; McLaughlin
Sharon, p. 15; Field, Middlesex, pp. 53, 62.
** Thanksgiving Sermon (1821).
" Autobiography, I, 60, 344, 392-406.
APPENDIX
GOVSENORS, 1776-1820
Jonathan Trumbull, St 1 76!>-1784
Mallhew Griswold 17M-1786
Samuel Huntington 1786-1796
Oliver Wolcott. Sr 1796-1798
Jonathan Trumbull, Jr 1798-1809
John TreadweU 1809-181I
Roger Griswold 1811-1812
John Cotton Smith 1812-1817
OUver Wolcott. 1817-1827
Mmbtrs
J. Hamblin
E. SheldoD
E. Dyer
J. Huntipgton
W.Pitkin
R. Sheimaii
A. Davenpiort
J. Spencer
0. Wolcott
S. Huntington
R.L»w
W. Will!4Di
T. Houaer
0. Ellawotth
B. Huntington
A. Adanu
J. P. Cook
S.M.MitcheU
W.Hillhouw
J. Wadsworth
J. Sturges
LTreadweU
E, Wolcott ,
W.S.Jobi«OD
1. Cheater
I. Strong
J.Root
J.Hillhouie
R. Newberry
H. Swift
T. Chandler
J, Davenport
A. Lamed
J-lDgeisoU
T, Reeve ,
A. Mflltt
The Cooncil
and their ttrms of lenUe, 1776-1820
. 1776-1785 T. GrMvenor 1793-1802
, 1776-1779 A.Au«tin I7M-1S18
1776-1784 T.Seymour 1793-1803
, 1776-1781 J. n.™.,, f 1797-1805
. 1776-1786 "■ 0»SS<iit [ 1809-1814
. 1776-1786 . „„„ / 1798-1799
. 1776-1784 J»«<* \1802-1820
f 1776-1778 N. Smith 1799-1805
\ 1779-1786 ~ e„-(, f 1799-1800
[ 1787-1789 *■ *'"" 1 1801-1802
. 1776-1787 J.Allen 1800-1806
. 1776-1783 O-Eltaworth 1802-1808
, 1776-1787 C.Goodrich 1802-1809
ri776-1780 W.Edmond 1803-1806
\ 1784-1803 p rwwwf^vh / 1803-1808
. 1778-1781 ^- Gwrfncb [ 18(»-1818
. 1780-1787 S.T.Ho«mer 1805-1816
fl781-1790 M Griswold 1805-1818
1 1791-1793 H. Champion 1806-1818
, 1781-1790 C.Goddard 1808-1816
1784-1803 I. Been 1808-1809
ri784-1786 Theodore Dwight 1809-1816
\ 1787-1793 J. Canfield 1809-I81S
. 1785-1809 J. C. Smith 1809-1810
fl786-1788 F.Wolcott 1810-1820
\ 1795-1801 R.M. Sherman 1814-1818
, 1786-1789 S.W. Johnson 1815-1818
. 1786-1799 S. B. Sherwood 1816-1817
, 1786-1790 W. Perkins 1816-1818
. 1787-1789 N.B.Benedict 1816-1818
. 1788-1792 A. Chapman 18I7-18I9
. 1789-1791 E. Perkins 1817-1820
, 1789-1790 W.Bristol 1818-1820
. 1789-1791 E. Boardman 1818-1820
. 1790-1809 D. TomlinsOD 1818-1820
. 1790-1802 S. Wells 1818-1820
. 1790-1795 J. S. Peters I818-I820
. 1790-1797 J.Lanman 1818-18)9
. 1791-1792 E. Burrows 1818-1820
. 1792-1798 P.Webb 1818-1820
, 1792-1793 T.Stowe 1819-1820
, 1793-1794 D.HiU 1819-1820
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS
Contemporary newspapers have been one of the
chief sources of material for this study. May
Humphreys in his List of Newspapers in the Yale
University Library (New Haven: 191 6) enumerates,
all told, twenty-eight journals of which all but
thirteen h^d an ephemeral existence. In 1818
there were about fifteen newspapers, besides the
Religious Intelligencer, with an aggregate circula-
tion of fifteen thousand copies. First, there was
the Connecticut Courant (1764) published in Hart-
ford by Hudson and Goodwin, strongly patriotic
during the War, and intensely Federalist in the
after-period. Among the Republican papers the
American Mercury (Hartford) was the foremost.
It was founded in 1784 by Joel Barlow and Elisha
Babcock, the latter becoming its editor and owner
in 1786. The Connecticut Mirror, foimded in 1809
at Hartford, represented an extreme wing of the
Federalist party, just as the Columbian Register
under the editorship of Joseph Barber of New
Haven (1812) did in the Republican organization.
In 1817, F. D. Bolles and J. M. Niles of Hartford
established as a Tolerationist organ The Times.
The Connecticut Herald (1803) and the Connecticut
Journal (1767), both of New Haven, were Federalist
journals of secondary rank. The Connecticut Ga-
zette of New London, the Litchfield Monitor, the
421
422 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Norwich Courier, the Middlesex Gazette, and the
moderately liberal Phoenix or Windham Herald
complete the list of important weekly papers. Dur-
ing the Embargo days America's Friend of Stoning-
ton had considerable vogue among administration
supporters. Niles* Weekly Register of Baltimore
has been of considerable value after 1811. News-
papers outside of the state have only been referred
to when quoted through the Courant or Mercury.
Among the reviews which have been used are:
North American Review, vols. 1-9 (1815-1819);
The General Repository and Review, vols. 1-4, Cam-
bridge: 1 812; The Portfolio, vols. 1-6, 3d series,
vols. 5-6, Philadelphia: 1816-1818; The Athenceum,
vols. 1-5, Boston: 1817-1819; The Methodist Maga-
zine, vols. 1-2, New York: 181 8; and the Connecti-
cut Qtuirterly (vols. 1-6 for 1895- 1900), later
known as the Connecticut Magazine (vols. 7-1 1 for
1901-1907).
2. SERMONS AND PAMPHLETS
The following list of sermons and contemporary
pamphlets comprises only those actually used and
found valuable.
Address of the General Association of Connecticut to Con-
gregational ministers and churches of the State on im-
portance of united endeavors to revive Gospel Discipline.
Litchfield: 1808.
Andrews, Ethan A. : Remarks on Present State of Agri-
cultural Science in Hartford County. Hartford: 181 9.
Atwater, Rev. Lyman H.: A Tribute to the Memory of
the Hon. Roger Minott Sherman, being the discourse
preached at his funeral, Jan. 2, 1845. New Haven:
1845.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 423
Backus, Rev. Azel: Sermon, delivered by himself at his
induction, Dec. 3, 181 2. Sermon at the funeral of
Gen. Oliver Wolcott. Litchfield: 1797.
Backus, Rev. Charles: Century Sermon. Hartford: 1801.
Backus, Simon: Dissertation on the Right and Obligation
of the Civil Magistrate to take care of the Interest of
Religion and provide for its Support. Pp. 34.
Middletown: 1804.
Aivues for compulsory support of religion and for toleration
to alTsave Catholics, aUiebts, or those not believing in future
punishment.
Bacon, Rev. Leonard: Thirteen Historical Discourses-
New Haven: 1839.
Banking and the Shaving Operations of Directors, six num-
bers on, with General Remarks. By Corrector. Pp.
24. New Haven: 1817.
Baptist Association, Minutes of Hartford, held at Stratford,
Oct. 1814. Pp. II. Middletown: 1814. Annual Re-
ports of the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions for U. S.
Proceedings of the General Convention of Baptists in
U. S., at their first triennial meeting. Philadelphia:
1817.
Baptist, A True: The Age of Inquiry, or Reason and Reve-
lation in Harmony with each other operating against
all Tyranny and Infidelity — to which is added some
remarks upon the report of the committee of the legis-
lature of Connecticut, upon the Baptist Petition, pre-
sented at their session, May, 1802. Hartford: 1804.
Barber, Rev. Daniel : The History of My Own Times. Pp. 48.
Washington: 1827.
Barlow, Joel: Oration delivered in Hartford at the meeting
of the Connecticut Society of Cincinnati, July 4, 1787.
Pp. 20. Hartford: 1787.
Beach, Rev. James: Immoral and Pernicious Tendency
of Error. Hartford: 1806.
Beecher, Rev. Lyman: The Practicability of Suppressing
Vice by Means of Societies instituted for that purpose,
delivered before the Moral Society of East Hampton,
L. I., Sept. 21, 1803. New London: 1804.
Sermon, The Remedy for Duelling, delivered before
the Presbytery of Long Island, April 16, 1806. Pp. 48.
Reprint. New York: 1809.
*T'l.- ■*^"' — "■ '^^■-- "W- ■^•
• — q :-^*uMhh.
riUi
424
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
The Government of God Desirable. New York:
1809.
A Reformation of Morak Practicable and Indispen-
sable — a sermon delivered at New Haven, Oct. 27, 181 2.
Pp. 38. New Haven; 1813.
Sermon delivered at Installation of Rev. John Keyes
at Wolcott, Conn., Sept. 1814. Andover: 1815.
Beers, William P. H.: An Address to the Legislature and
People of the State of Connecticut, on the subject of
dividing the State into Districts for the Election of
Representatives in Congress." Pp. 37. New Haven:
1791.
Bible Society: Reports for 1810, 1811, 1812, 1813, 1814,
1815, 1816, and 1817.
Bird, Rev. Jonathan: Discourse delivered to the Freemen
collected in the Second Society in Saybrook, April 11,
1803. Middletown: 1803.
First given in Berlin, April 7, 1800. Aroused great political
warmth as an attack on Republican rule. The title page cited
Solomon: ''When the righteous are in authority the people re-
joice; but when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn."
Bishop, Abraham: Georgia Speculation Unveiled. Pp.
144. 1797.
An Oration on the Extent and Power of Politick
Delusion, delivered in New Haven, on the evening pre-
ceding Public Commencement, Sept. 1800. Pp. 71.
Newark: 1800.
Oration, delivered in Wallingford, Mar. 11, 1801, at
the Republican Thanksgiving on the election of Jef-
ferson and Burr. Pp. in. New Haven: 1801.
Proofs of a Conspiracy, against Christianity and the
Government of the United States exhibited in several
views of the Union of Church and State in New Eng-
land. Pp. 166- Hartford: 1802.
Church and State, A Political Union formed by the
enemies of both, containing the correspondence between
Stanley Griswoldand.Rev. Dan Huntington, Ephiaim
Kirby and Rev. Joseph Lyman. Ed. by Abraham
Bishop. Pp. 60. 1802.
Oration in honor of the election of JeflFerson and the
peaceable acquisition of Louisiana, delivered at the
BIBUOGRAPHY 425
National Festival in Hartford, May ii, 1804. Pp.
24. 1804.
Some remarks and Extracts in reply to Mr. Picker-
ing's Letter on the subject of the Embargo. Pp. 23.
The New Haven Remonstrance, together with an
Exposition of the Remonstrants (against his father's
appointment as collector, in i8oi). 1814.
Bishop Fund and Phoenix Bonus, A Collection of the Pieces
on this Subject from the Connecticut Herald. Pp. 76.
New Haven: 1816.
Blatchford, Rev. Samuel: Validity of Presbyterian Ordina-
tion Maintained, in a letter to Rev. William Smith,
D.D. New Haven: 1798.
[Bowden, Rev. G.]: A Full-length Portrait of Calvinism by
an Old Fashioned Churchman. Pp. 39. New Haven:
1809.
Brace, Jonathan: Half century discourse; history of the
Church in Newington delivered on Tuesday, Jan. 16,
1855. Pp. 75. Hartford: 1855.
Bristol, William: An address intended to have been de-
livered at the Town Meeting in New Haven in reply to
the reasons urged for requesting his excellency the
governor to convene the General Assembly, to take
into consideration the alarming situation of Public Af-
fairs, together with a short account of the extraordi-
nary meeting. New Haven: 1809.
[Carey, James]: A view of the New England Illuminati, who
are indefatigably engaged in Destroying the Religious
Government of the U. S. imder a feigned regard for
their Safety and under an impious Abuse of their Re-
ligion. Pp. 20. Philadelphia: 1799.
Carey, Matthew: A brief view of the policy of the founders
of the colonies of Massachusetts .... as regards
liberty of conscience. Philadelphia: 1828.
Channing, Rev. William Ellery: Two Sermons on Infidelity,
delivered Oct. 24, 1813 in Boston. Boston: 1813.
Chapin, Rev. Calvin: Sermon delivered in Hartford, May
18, 1 81 4; before the Connecticut Society for the Pro-
motion of Good Morals. Hartford: 1814.
Sermon delivered Jan. 14, 1817, at the funeral of
Rev. Timothy Dwight. Pp. 35. New Haven: 1817.
Clap, President Thomas: The Religious Constitution of
.■.I-»»— ta-
rtdk
wmm.
426
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: mS-lSlS
Colleges, especially of Yale College. Pp. 20. New
London: 1754.
Clark, Rev. Daniel A.: The Church Safe-sermon June 25,
1817, before the Consociation at Watertown. New
Haven: 1817.
Cogswell, Rev. James: The Character and Duty of Preachers
and the Duty of People to receive and treat them as
such. Norwich: 1785.
[Cranch, William]: An Examination of the President's Reply
to the New Haven Remonstrance (with an appendix
giving the list of removals and appointments since
1801). Pp. 69. New York: 1801.
Crossman, Rev. Joseph W. : A New Year's Discourse, de-
livered at Salisbury, Jan. 2, 1803. Hartford: 1803.
Daggett, David: Oration delivered at New Haven, July 4,
1787.
Oration, July 4, 1799. New Haven.
Three letters to Abraham Bishop, containing some
strictures on his Oration, Sept. 1800, by Connecti-
cutensis. Pp. 36.
Facts are stubborn things or Nine Plain Questions to
People of Connecticut with a reply to each by Simon
Holdfast. Pp. 22. Hartford: 1803.
Argument before the General Assembly of the State
of Connecticut, October, 1804, in the case of Certain
Justices of the Peace. Pp. 30. New Haven: 1804.
Count the Cost, Address to the People of Connecti-
cut, chiefly on the proposition for a new constitution
by Jonathan Steadfast. Pp. 21. Hartford: 1804.
Steady Habits Vindicated or a serious remonstrance
to the People of Connecticut against changing their
government. By a Friend to the Public Welfare. Pp.
20. Hartford: 1805.
An Eulogium on Roger Griswold — delivered at the
request of the General Assembly, Oct. 29, 181 2. Pp.
24. New Haven: 1812.
Dana, Rev. James: The Folly of Practical Atheism, before
Yale students. New Haven: 1794.
Christianity, the Wisdom of God, preached at the
ordination of Rev. Dan Huntington, Oct. 17, 1798.
There is no reason to be ashamed of the Gospel,
BIBUOGRAPHY 427
preached in East Hartford, Dec. 23, 1801. Hartford:
1802.
The Character of Scoffers. Hartford: 1805.
The Wisdom of Observing the footsteps of Providence,
Sermon at Wethersfield, Nov. 28, 1805. Hartford:
1805.
Two Discourses: i. On the Commencement of a New
Year. 2. On the Completion of the i8th Century,
Jan. 1 801. Pp. 68. New Haven: 1801.
Day, Thomas: Oration on Party Spirit, before Cincinnati
at Hartford, July 4, 1798.
Discourse on the Genuineness and Authenticity of the New
Testament, delivered at New Haven, Sept. 10, 1793,
as appointed by the General Association. New York:
1794.
Doddridge, Rev. Philip: A Plain and Serious Address to the
Master of a FamUy on the important subject of family
religion. Hartford: 1799.
Dow, Daniel: Reminiscences of past events: a semi-centen-
nial sermon preached at Thompson, Apr. 22, 1846.
Pp. 32. New Haven: 1846.
Dwight, Theodore: Oration before the Connecticut Cincin-
nati, July 4, 1792. Oration delivered at Hartford,
July 4, 1798. Pp. 36.
Oration, delivered at New Haven, July 7, 1801 be-
fore the Society of Cincinnati. Pp. 43. Hartford:
1801.
Dwight, Rev. Timothy: The Triumph of Infidelity — ^a
Poem. With an abusive dedication to Voltaire. Pp. 27.
London: 1791.
A Dissertation on the History, Eloquence, and Poetry
of the Bible, delivered in New Haven, 1792.
The Genuineness and Authenticity of the New Testa-
ment, delivered first at New Haven, Sept. 10, 1793.
New York: 1794.
The True Means of Establishing Public Happiness,
sermon delivered before Conn. Society of Cincinnati,
July 7, 1797. Pp. 40.
The Nature and Danger of Infidel Philosophy ex-
hibited in two Discourses, addressed to the candidates
for the Baccalaureate in Yale College, Sept. 9, 1797.
Pp. 95. New Haven: 1798.
428 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-lSlS
Infidel Philosophy, 1798.
The Duty of Americans, at the Present Crisis, illus-
trated in a Discourse preached on the Fourth of July,
1798. New Haven: 1798.
A Discourse on some events of the last Century, de-
livered in New Haven, Jan. 7, 1801. Pp. 55. New
Haven: 1801.
The Dignity and Excellence of the Gospel, delivered
in New Haven, April 8, 181 2. New York: 1812.
Sermon at Yale on Public fast, July 23, 181 2. New
Haven: 181 2.
Sermon delivered, Boston, Sept. 16, 1813, before the
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Minis-
ters. Pp. 34. Boston: 1813.
Educational Society of Connecticut and Female Education
Societies. Reports for 1817 and i8i8.
Edwards, Rev. Jonathan: Thoughts concerning the Present
Revival of Religion in New England. London: 1745.
Funeral Oration on Roger Sherman, Senator of the
U. S., who died July 2^, 1793. Pp. 24. New Haven:
1793-
The Duty of Ministers of the Gosj)el to preach the
Truth. Hartford: 1795.
Election Sermons.
There is a fairly complete bibliography of these sermons
from 1674 to 1813, giving the name ofjpreacher, society, text,
size in pages, in the Appendix to Rev. Chauncey Lee's sermon,
1813. Political sermons are noticeable after the party strug-
gle hardens, but even then, the lesson was somewhat hidden
m text and interpretation. Following are some of the more
noteworthy sermons:
Bassett, Rev. Amos: Advantages and Means of Union in
Society, 1807.
Brockway, Rev. Diodate: Sermon, 1815.
Burnett, Rev. Dr. Matthias: Sermon, 1803. Pp. 29.
Croswell, Rev. Harry: Sermon, 1818. Called for equal rights
for sill Christians and divorce of politics and preaching.
Cushman, Rev. Elisha: Sermon for lo20.
Elliott, Rev. John: "The gracious presence of God, the highest
fehcity and security of any people.'' 1810.
Ely, Rev. Zebulon: Wisdom and Duty of Magistrates. 1804.
Flint, Rev. Abel: Sermon. Pp. 27. 1816.
Hooker, Rev. Asahel: Sermon, 1805.
Huntington, Rev. Dan: "They shall prosper that love thee."
1814.
BIBU0GRAPH7 429
Lee, Rev. Chauncey: The Goveittment of God, the true
Source and Standard of Human Government 1813.
Lyman, Rev. William: The Ha{)py Nation, 1806. "Ruthless
spirits will foment difficulties." Pp. 30.
McEwen, Rev. Abel: Sermon, 1817.
Nott, Rev. Samuel: Prayer the Duty of Rulers and Nation.
1809.
Perkins, Rev. Nathan: Benign Influence of Religion on Civil
Government and National Happiness. 1808.
Smalley, Rev. John: On the Evib of a Weak Government.
1800. Pp. 51.
Stebbins, Rev. Stephen: God's Government of Church and
the World, the Source of great Consolation and Joy.
1811.
Stiles, Rev. Ezra: The United States elevated to Glory and
Honor. A sermon. May 8, 1783. Pp. 99. New Haven:
1783.
Strong, Rev. Joseph: Sermon, 1802.
Trumbull, Dr. Benjamin: The Dignity of Man as Displayed
in Civil Government. 1801.
Wales, Rev. Samud: The Dangers of our National Prosperity,
and the Way to avoid them. May 12, 1785. Hartford:
1785.
Welsh, Rev. Dr. Moses: An Excellent Spirit forms the Charac-
ter of a Good Ruler. ^. 18. 1812.
Ely, Rev. Zebulon: Discourse delivered in Lebanon at the
funeral of His Excellency, Jonathan TrumbuU, who
died Aug. 7, 1809. Pp. 27. Hartford: 1809.
Emerson, Rev. Ralph: Discourse, on duties of ministers,
delivered at Norfolk, May 16, 1816. Hartford: 1817.
Fisher, Rev. George P.: Discourse commemorative of the
history of the Church of Christ in Yale College.
Preached in College Chapel, Nov. 22, 1857. Pp. 99.
New Haven: 1858.
Freemen: As you Were! A Word of Advice to Straight-
Haired Folks, addressed to the Freemen by one of their
number. Pp. 16. 1816.
Frothingham, Ebenezer; A Key to Unlock the Door that
leads in to take a Fair View of the Religious Constitu-
tion estabUshed by law in the Colony of Connecticut.
Middletown: 1767.
[Gale, Benjamin]: The Present State of the Colony of Con-
necticut Considered. Pp. 21. New London: 1755.
A Reply to a Pamphlet entitled the Answer of the
Friend in the West with a Prefatory Address to the
Freemen .... Pp. 63. 1755.
^metmitm,
430
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
A Calm and full Vindication of a Letter wrote to
a Member of the Lower House .... being an
answer in Vindication of Yale College with some Further
Remarks on the Laws and Government of that Society.
New Haven: 1759.
Brief, Decent but Free Remarks and Observations
on Several Laws passed by the .... Legislature
.... since 1775. Hartford: 1782.
Gardiner, Rev. John S.: A Preventive against Unitarianism.
1811.
Graham, John: A Letter to a Member of the House of Rep-
resentatives of the Colony of Connecticut, in vindica-
tion of Vale College. Pp. 18. 1759.
Granger, Gideon: A Vindication of the Measures of the
Present Administration. Pp. 32. Hartford: 1803.
An Address to the People of New England, Dec. IS,
1808. Pp. 38. Washington: 1808.
Griswold, Rev. John: The Triumph of the Wicked and the
Reign of Infidelity, preached at Pawlet, Vt.
Griswold, Gov. Roger: Message to the General Assembly,
at Special Session Aug. 25, 1812, with accompanying
documents. Also a pamphlet report of the Legislative
committee. Pp. 22, 14. New Haven: 1812.
Griswold, Rev. Stanley: A statement of the Singular Man-
ner of Proceeding of the Association of Litchfield County
in an Ecclesiastical Prosecution against him. Pp. 32.
Hartford: 1798.
Discourse, Oct. 12, 1800. Truth its Own Test and
God its Only Judge. Pp. 32. Bridgeport: 1800.
A Sermon on July 7, 1802.
The Good Land We Live In. Pp. 29. Suffield:
1802.
Grosvenor, Rev. L. : History of the First Congregational
Church and Society of Woodstock. Thanksgiving Dis-
course, 1859. Pp. 28. Worcester: 1860.
Hammond, Charles: A Sermon Preached at the Rededica-
tion of the Congregational Church, in Union, Conn.
July 25, 1865. Pp. 39. Springfield: 1867.
Hartford Convention — The Proceedings of a Convention of
Delegates convened at Hartford, Dec. IS, 1814. Hart-
ford: Jan., 1815.
BIBUOGRAPHY 431
Hartford County Agricultural Society — Articles of Associa-
tion and By Laws. Hartford: 1817.
Hawks, Rev. Joel: A Centennial Discourse in First Church
of Hartford. 1836.
Hetrick, Rev. Andrew J. : A Historical Address, preached
Oct. 27, 1895, in the Meeting House on Canterbury
Green. Pp. 40. Norwich: 1895.
Hillhouse, Senator James: Propositions for the Amending
the Constitution of the United States submitted to the
Senate, Apr. 12, 1808, with his explanatory remarks.
Pp. 31. New Haven: 1808.
Commissioner of School Fund Report for 1818.
New Haven: June, 1818. Report for 1819.
Hilliard, Isaac: The Federal Pye. Sixteen pages of verse
on the Federal caucus at Hartford. Danbury: 1803.
Hine, Rev. Orlo D.: Early Lebanon, an Historical Address
delivered in Lebanon, Conn, by request on the National
Centennial, July 4, 1876, with an appendix of Historical
Notes by Nathaniel Morgan. Hartford: 1880.
Hobart, Bishop Henry: The Moral and Positive Benefits
of the Ordinances of the Gosj)el, delivered at New
Haven. New Haven: 1816.
Hobart, Rev. Noah: On the Ecclesiastical Constitution of
the Consociated Churches, in the Colony of Connecti-
cut. New Haven: 1765.
Hooker, Rev. Asahel: Sermon on The Use and Importance
of Preaching the Distinguishing Doctrines of the
Gosj)el, delivered at Goshen, Oct. 30, 1805. North-
ampton: 1806.
Humphrey, Rev. Heman: The Duties of Ministers and
People, preached before the General Association of
Connecticut, June 18, 1816. Pp. 24. New Haven:
1816.
Humphreys, David: A Valedictory Address before the Con-
necticut Cincinnati, Hartford, July 4, 1804, at the dis-
solution of the Society. Pp. 60. Boston: 1804.
Discourse on the Agriculture of the State of Connecti-
cut and the means of making it more Beneficial to the
State. Pp. 42. New Haven: 1816.
Intemperance, Address on — to the Churches and Congrega-
tions of Fairfield County. 1813.
Ives, Rev. Joel S. : An Historical Sermon of the First Church,
432
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: ITTS-ISIS
East Hampton, Conn., July 9, 1876. Pp. 18. Middle-
town: 1876.
Jacocks, John H.: Bishop's Bonus, Scabury College,
Divine Right of Presbyterianism and Divine Right of
Episcopacy. A Series of essays appearing in papers,
1815-1816, by Toleratioh. Pp. 99. New Haven:
1816.
Judd, Rev. B.: Sermon delivered at the Anniversary of the
Episcopal Academy, Cheshire .... Oct. 7, 1812.
Hartford: 1812.
Judd, William: Address to the People of the State of Con-
necticut on the removal of himself and four other jus-
tices by the General Assembly for declaring and pub-
lishing their opinion that the People of this State are
at present without a Constitution of Civil Government.
Printed for General Committee of Republicans. Sid-
ney's Press: 1804.
Leaming, Rev. Jeremiah: Sermon on The Evidence for the
Truth of Christianity made plain from Matters of
Fact. Pp. 14. New York: 1772.
Lee, Rev. Andrew: Half -century sermon preached at Han-
over, Oct. 25, 1818. Windham: 1819.
Lee, Rev. Chauncey: A Discourse, The Tree of Knowledge
of Political Good and Evil, delivered at Colbrook,
July 4, 1800. Hartford: 1800.
Leland, Rev. John:
The Connecticut Dissenters* Strong Box No. 1, con-
taining The High-flying Churchman stript of his legal
Robe [written 1791], The Dissenters* Petition, Con-
necticut Ecclesiastical Laws, American Constitutions
[Extracts from]. Sixteen of which recognize the Rights
of Conscience and three the doctrine of Church and
State. New London: 1802. Printed by Charles Holt,
the Republican editor.
Van Tromp lowering with his peak. With a Broadside,
containing a plea for the Baptists of Connecticut. Pp.
36. Danbury: 1806.
A Blow at the Root [sermon delivered at Cheshire,
Apr. 9, 1801]. Pp. 32. New London: 1801.
An Elective Judiciary. Sj)eech at Cheshire. July
4, 1805.
The Advantage and Necessity of the Christian Reve-
»-3i
BIBU0GRAPH7 433
lation, shown from the State of Religion in the Ancient
Heathen World. 2 vols. Philadelphia: 1819.
Some Events in the Life of John Leland, by himself.
Pp. 44. Pittsfield: 1838.
Lewis, Rev. Isaac: Sermon delivered in New Haven at the
Ordination of the Rev. Jeremiah Day, President of Yale
College, July 23, 1817. New Haven: 1817.
Lewis, Zechariah: Oration on the apparent, and the Real
Political Situation of the U. S. before Connecticut
Cmdnnati, July 4, 1799. Pp. 24. New Haven: 1799.
McEwen, Abel : Half -century sermon ... in first Socie-
ty of New London. New London: 1857.
McLaughlin, Rev. D. Tompkins: A Discourse, preached at
the re-opening of the Congregational Church in Sharon,
Mar. 2, 1864. Pp. 29. New York: 1864.
Manufactures, Constitution of Connecticut Society for the
Encouragement of.
Address of Connecticut Society for the Encourage-
ment of. Pp. 24. Middletown: 1817.
Manwaring, Christopher: Oration, 1804, at New London.
Marsh, Rev. Ebenezer: Truth of the Mosaic History of the
Creation, at Yale Commencement, 1798. l6irtford:
1798.
Methodist-Episcopal Church, Minutes at Annual Conference
of, for the years, 1814, 1815, 1816, 1817, and 1818.
Miller, Rev. Jonathan: The Holy Scriptures the Only In-
struction of the Christian Preacher, delivered before
Yale College, Sept. 9, 1812. New Haven: 1812.
Miller, Rev. William: Historical Discourse of the Congre-
gational Church in KiUingworth, May 31, 1870. Pp.
07. New Haven: 1870.
Missionj^ry Society, Articles of Incorporation. 1802.
Reports for 1801, 1813, 1814, 1815, 1816, 1817 are aU of
especial value. Contain lists of officers, missionaries sent out,
location of New Englanders in West, shipments of Bibles, etc.
Morals, Address of the Connecticut Society for the promo-
tion of Good. Oct. 19, 1814.
Morse, Rev. Asahel: Oration, July 4, 1802, at Winsted.
Hartford: 1802.
Newberry, H.: Address before the Hartford County Agri-
cultural Society, Oct. 5, 1820. Hartford: 1820.
■•■I^N^<*<«IVn^MMa«MMlM*^MMta
434 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: ITTS-ISIS
[Ogden, John Cosins]: An Appeal to the candid upon the
Present State of Religion and Politics in Connecticut.
Pp. 23. 1796.
A Short History of late ecclesiastical oppressions in
New England and Vermont.
A View of the Calvinistic Clubs in the United States.
A View of the New England Illuminati.
Parsons, Isaac: A retrosj)ect : two sermons preached . . .
Oct. 24, 1841. Pp. 32. Hartford: 1841.
Perkins, Rev. Nathan: A Half Century Sermon, delivered
at West Hartford, Oct. 13, 1822. Pp. 24. Hartford:
1822.
Sermon at the fimeral of Rev. Nathan Strong, who
died Dec. 25, 1816. Pp. 27. Hartford: 1817.
Pickering, Timothy: Letter to Gov. James Sullivan, on
Danger of an Unnecessary War. Reprinted. New
Haven: 1808.
Pierce, Rev. A. C: Days of Old Remembered — ^A historical
discourse delivered in the Congregational Church, Brook-
field, July 16, 1876. Pp. 24. Bridgeport: 1876.
Porter, Rev. Ebenezer: The Fatal EfiFects of Ardent Spirits.
Hartford: 1811.
Porter, Rev. Noah: Sermon, Perjury Prevalent and Dan-
gerous, delivered at Farmington, Sept. 1813. Pp. IS.
Hartford: 1813.
Discourse on the Settlement and Progress of New
England. Hartford: 1821.
Anniversary Thanksgiving Sermon, 1821. Hartford:
1822.
Sermon delivered at the funeral of Hon. John Tread-
well .... Pp. 19. Hartford: 1823.
[Reeve, Tapping]: The Sixth of August, or the Litchfield
Festival. An Address to the Freemen. Pp. 16.
Richards, George H.: The PoUtics of Connecticut, addressed
to Honest men of all parties, by a Federalist Republican.
Pp. 36. Hartford: 1817.
Rogers, Clark: The Husbandman's Aim to refute the Clergy
respecting the Decrees of God: Their Doctrine Un-
folded and Errors Exposed. Pp. 39. New London:
1801.
Rowland, Rev. Henry A.: Sermon at the funeral of Oliver
BIBU0GRAPH7 435
EUsworth, LL.D., who died Nov. 26, 1807. Pp. IS.
Hartford: 1808.
Schermerhom, John F., and Samuel J. Mills: Correct View
of the U. S. west of Allegheny Mountains — ^regarding
Religion, Morals, etc. Pp. 52. Hartford: 1814.
Sherman, Rev. Charles S.: A Memorial Discourse in Com-
memoration of the National Centennial, delivered in the
Congregational Church, Naugatuck, July 9, 1876.
Waterbury: 1876.
"Sidney:" Modem Toleration, — ^Tyranny in Disguise, 1818.
Silliman, Prof. Benjamin: Oration, before Connecticut Cin-
cinnati, July 6, 1802. The Theories of Modem Phil-
osophy in Religion, Government, and Morals, Contrasted
with the Practical System of New England. Pp. 34.
Hartford: 1802.
Eulogium of President Dwight before Yale Aca-
demic Body, Feb. 12. New Haven: 1817.
Smith, Junius: Fourth of July Oration, 1804, before Cin-
cinnati.
Stanley, George W.: Oration at Wallingford, Aug. 8, 1805,
in commemoration of Independence. New Haven:
1805.
Oration at WaUingford, Apr. 4, 1814 in Celebration
of the Overthrow of Napoleon. Pp. 31. New Haven:
1814.
Stiles, Rev. Ezra: Discourse on the Christian Union
before Congregational Clergy ... of Rhode
Island. Pp. 139. Boston: 1761.
Funeral Sermon for Rev. Chauncey Whittelsey,
July 24, 1787. New Haven: 1787.
Strong, Rev. Joseph: Sermon preached Mar. 23, 1828 on
completion of 50 Years in the ministry. Pp. 26. Nor-
wich: 1828.
Strong, Rev. Dr. Nathan: A Thanksgiving Sermon, Nov.
27, 1800. Hartford: 1800.
On the Universal spread of the Gospel, delivered
Jan. 4, 1801. Pp. 46. Hartford: 1801.
Sermon delivered at Hartford, July 23, 1812. Hart-
ford: 1812.
[Swift, Zephaniah]: A Vindication of the Sj)ecial Superior
Court for trial of Peter Lung [Murderer] with Obser-
vations on the Constitutional Power of the Legislature
^ .^.--.-ii T" I m7m mii
436 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
to interfere with the Judiciary in the Administration
of Justice. 1816.
The Correspondent — containing Publications in
Windham Herald relative to Resiidt of Ecclesiastical
Council, holden Sept. 1792, and Consociation of Wind-
ham County, Nov. 1792, respecting Rev. Oliver Dodge.
Pp. 140. Windham: 1793.
Taylor, Rev. Nathaniel: Regeneration, the Beginning of
Holiness in the Human Heart. Pp. 19. New Haven:
1816.
Tracy, Senator Uriah: Manifesto of the Freemen of Con-
necticut, Sept. 6, 1803. Pp. 16. Litchfield: 1803.
TnmibuU, Rev. Benjamin: Century Sermon. Pp. 36.
New Haven: 1801.
A Letter to an Honourable Gentleman of the Council-
Board for the Colony of Connecticut shewing that Yale
College is a very great Emolument. Pp. 26. New
Haven: 1766.
TrumbuU, Judge John : The Mischief of Legislative Caucuses
exposed in an Address to the j)eople of Connecticut.
Hartford: 1819.
Trumbull, Gov. Jonathan: Address to the General Assembly
and Freemen of Connecticut declining any further elec-
tion to public office. New London: 1783.
Two Brothers: A Dialogue. Pp. 18. Printed by Hudson
and Goodwin: 1806.
Tyler, Rev. John E.: Historical Discourse delivered before
the First Church and Society of Windham County,
Dec. 10, 1850. Hartford: 1851.
Vamum, James M.: The Case, Trevett against Weeden.
Pp. 60. Providence: 1787.
Wainwright, Rev. Jonathan A.: An Historical Discourse
delivered in St. John's Church, SaUsbury ....
New Haven: 1868.
Waterman, Rev. Elijah: Century Sermon, Dec. 10, 1800,
commemorating the foundation of the church, Dec. 10,
1700. Pp. 43. Windham: 1801.
Webster, Noah: The Revolution in France, considered in
respect to its Progress and effects. New York: 1794.
Fourth of July Oration. New Haven: 1798.
Ten Letters to Dr. Joseph Priestley in answer to his
letters to the Inhabitants of Northumberland. Pp. 29.
BIBU0GRAPH7 437
A Rod for the Fool's Back [Abraham Bishop], Prov.
xxvi, 3. New Haven: 1800.
Fourth of July Oration. Pp. 30. New Haven: 1802.
Address to the citizens of Connecticut. By Chatham.
Pp. 24. 1803.
Address to the Freemen of Connecticut. Pp. 12.
Hartford: 1806.
Letter to the President of the United States touching
Prosecutions imder his patronage before the Circuit
Court in the District of Connecticut. By Hampden.
Pp. 28. New Haven: 1808.
The Peculiar Doctrines of the Gospel Explained and
defended.
Welch, Rev. Moses C: Sermon before Windham County
Association. Pp. 19. Hartford: 1807.
Williams, Rev. Samuel P.: An Enquiry into the State of
the Churches. Sermon preached before several
churches of Windham County. Hartford: 1816.
Wines, Rev. Abijah: Discourse on Hiunan Depravity, de-
livered at Guilford, Oct. 23, 1803. Middletown: 1804.
Wolcott, Oliver: An Address to the People of the United
States on the subject of the report of the Conmiittee
of the House of Representatives appointed to examine
. . . . the Treasury .... Pp. 112. Bos-
ton: 1802.
British Influence on the AflFairs of the United States,
Proved and Explained. Pp. 23. Boston: 1804.
A detailed report to the Assembly on Taxation, May,
1819. Pp. 23.
3. LOCAL AND SPECIAL HISTORIES, AND BIOGRAPHI-
CAL MATERIAL
The following list records such state, county,
and town histories as have been drawn upon for
this essay. It contains also biographies that have
been found useful, chiefly those bearing upon the
lives of Connecticut men.
Allen, Francis Olcott: The History of Enfield^ Connecticut.
3 vols. Lancaster, Pa.: 1900.
tmaM^
438 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Alvord, Rev. J. W.: Historical Address delivered in . .
Stamford at . . . the Second Centennial Anni-
versary of the settlement of the Town. Pp. 40. New
York: 1842.
Anderson, Rev. Joseph [ed.]: The Town and City of Water-
bury, 3 vols. New Haven: 18%.
Andrews, Charles M.: "The River Towns of Connecticut."
Johns Hopkins University Studies. Baltimore: 1889.
Andrews, Rev. William W.: The Correspondence and Mis--
cellanies of the Hon. John Cotton Smtth, with an Eulogy.
.... New York: 1^47.
Atkins, Thomas: History of Middlefidd and Long Bill.
Hartford: 1883.
Atwater, E. E. [et al.]: History of th' City of New Haven to
the present time. . . . with biographies. New
York: 1887.
Atwater, Francis [ed.]: History of the Town of Plymouth
. . . . Meriden: 1895.
History of Kent, .... including Biographical
Sketches .... Meriden: 1897.
Avery, Rev. John: History of the Town of Ledyard, 1650-
1900. Norwich: 1901.
Bacon, Rev. Leonard: Sketch of the Life and Public Services
of Hon. James Hillhouse, 1754-1832. Pp. 46. New
Haven: 1860.
Bailey, James Montgomery: History of Danbury . . .
1684-1896. New York: 1896. '
Baker, Henry A. [compiler]: History of Montville. 1640-
1896. Hartford: 1896.
Baldwin, Simeon E.: "The Early History of the Ballot in
Connecticut.** In. Amer. Hist. Assoc, Report for 1890,
pp. 81-97. "The Ecclesiastical Constitution of Yale
College." In New Haven Colony Hist. Soc., Papers,
III, 405-443. "The Three Constitutions of Connecti-
cut." In New Haven Colony Hist. Soc., Papers, V, 1 79-
246. An Historical Address before the Chamber of
Commerce of New Haven, Apr. 9, 1894. Pp. 37. "Con-
necticut in Pennsylvania." In New Haven Colony Hist.
Soc, Papers, VIII, 1-19.
Barber, John W., and Pimderson, Lemuel S.: History and
Antiquities of New Haven .... with Biographi-
cal Sketches. New Haven: 1856.
mtm
BIBUOGRAPHY 439
Barnard, Henry : A Discourse in commemoration of ... .
Rev, Thomas GaUaudet delivered at Hartford, with an
appendix containing history of deaf-mute instruction.
Hartford: 1852.
Barry, John Stetson: Historv of Massachusetts. 3 vols.
Boston: 1855-1857.
Barstow, George: The History of New Hampshire from 1614
to the passage of the Toleration Acts in 1819. Boston:
1853. 2d ed.
Bates, Albert Carlos [ed.]: Records of Rev, Roger Viets,
rectorof St. Andrews (P. E.),Simsbury .... 1763-
1800. Hartford: 1893. * 'Connecticut Local Histories
in Conn. Hist. Society and the Watkinson Library."
In Conn. Hist. Soc, Report for 1893, pp. 23-38.
Records of the Second School Society in Granby ....
1796-1855, Hartford: 1903. Pp. 43. Records of the
Congregational Church in Turkey Hills ....
1776-1858, Hartford: 1907. Lis of Congregational
Ecclesiastical Societies established in Connecticut before
1818 with their changes. Hartford: 1913. Pp. 35.
Papers of the Connecticut State Society of the Cincin-
nati, 1783-1807, Hartford: 1916.
Beach, Joseph Perkins: History of Cheshire .... 16^^
to 1840. Cheshire: 1912.
Beardsley, Rev. E. Edwards: The History of the Episcopal
Church in Connecticut^ from the Settlement of the
Colony .... to 1865. 2 vols. New York: 1866-
1868. Life and Times of William Samuel Johnson,
LL.D. New York: 1876. Life and Correspondence of
he Rt. Rev. SamudSeaburyyD.D, y&rstBishop ....
of the Episcopal Church in the United States of Ameri-
ca. Boston: 1881. 2d ed.
Beecher, Rev. Lyman Autobiography and Correspondence. «5v^ ■*-.,
Ed. by Charles Beecher. New York: 1864.
Bidwell, Percy Wells: Rural Economy in New England at
the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century, New Haven:
1916. An accurate and interesting doctoral disserta-
tion describing the agricultural Ufe of the section.
Bishop, Henry F.: Historical Sketch of Lisbon ....
from 1786 to 1900. New York: 1903.
Blake, Henry T. : Chronicles of New Haven Green, from 1638
to 1862. New Haven: 1898.
da
440 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Blake, William P. [cd.]: History of the Town of Eamden
.... New Haven: 1888. "Sketch of the Life
of Eli Whitney." In New Haven Colony Hist. Sec.,
Papers, V, 110-131.
Boardman, David S.: Sketches of the Early Lights of the
LiUhfield Bar Litchfield: 1860. Pp. 38.
Bouton, Rev, NeLthsxdel: An Historic(U Discourse . . . .
at the Two Hundredth Anniversary of the Settlement of
Norwalk . . . delivered July 9, 1851. New York:
1851. Pp. 80.
Boyd, John: Annals and Family Records of Winchester
.... Hartford: 1873.
Brainerd, A.: Middletown. 1877. Pp. 28.
Breckenridge, Frances A.: Recollections of a New England
Town, Meriden. 1899.
Bronson, Dr. Henry: The History of Waterbury ....
with an appendix of biography, genealogy, and statis-
tics. Waterbury: 1858. "Early Government o' Con-
necticut, with critical and explanatory remarks on the
Constitution of 1639." In New Haven Colony Hist.
Soc, Papers, III, 292-403. "An Historical Account of
Connecticut Currency, Continental Money, and the
Finances of the Revolution." In New Haven Colony
Hist. Soc, Papers, I.
Camp, David N. : History of New Britain, with sketches of
Farmington and Berlin, .... 1640-1889. New
Britain: 1889.
Campbell, Rev. Hollis A. [et. al.]: Seymour, Past and Present.
Seymour: 1902.
Cary, M. B.: The Connecticut Constitution. New Haven:
1900.
Caulkins, Frances M.: History of Norwich, .... from
its settlement in 1660 to 1845. Norwich: 1845.
History of New London, .... from the first
survey of the coast in 1612 to 1852. New London:
1852.
Chandler, Thomas Bradbury: The Life of Samuel Johnson,
New York: 1805.
Chapin, A. B.: Glastonbury for Two Hundred Years, Hart-
ford: 1853.
Child, Frank S.: Fairfield, Ancient and Modem ....
BIBLIOGRAPHY 441
prepared for the 270th Anniversary of the town's settle-
ment. 1909. Pp. 75.
Church, Judge Samuel: A Historical Address delivered
. . . . at the 100th Anniversary of the first town-
meeting of ... . Salisbury. Oct. 20, 1841.
New Haven: 1842. Pp. 24. Ms. Account in New
Haven Colony Hist. Soc. Library, descriptive of the
struggle leading up to the Convention of 1818, in which
the writer represented Salisbury. It was written at
the request of G. H. Hollister then writing a history of
the state.
Clap, President Thomas: Annals or History of Yale College.
New Haven: 1766.
Clark, E. F.: Methodist-Episcopal Churches of Norwich, Con-
necticul, Norwich: 1867.
Clark, Rev. George L.: History of Connecticul. New York:
1914.
Cleveland, Catherine C: The Great Revival in the West,
1797-1805. Chicago: 1916.
Cole, J. R.: History of Tolland County. New York: 1888.
Connecticut, Colonial Records of ... . Ed. by C. J.
Hoadley and J. Hammond Trumbull. 1635-1776.
15 vols. Hartford: 1850-1890. Records of the State of
.... Ed. by C. J. Hoadley. 1776-1780. 2 vols.
Hartford: 1894-1895. Public Statute Laws of the State
of ... . Hartford: 1808.
This revision, with its historical annotations, makes it
almost unnecessary to refer to the revisions or editions of
1702, 1714, 1742-1750, 1769, 1784, 1786 and 1796.
Supplement of the Public Laws of Connecticut, 1808-
1819, and the Revised Statutes of 1821. Zephaniah
Swift, A Digest of the Laws of the State of Connecticut
( 182 1 ) . 2 vols. Connecticut from Actual Survey made
in 1811, by and under direction of Moses Warren and
George Gillet, published by Hudson and Goodwin.
Hartford: 1812.
This is an admirable map, marking county and town lines,
sites of settled societies, town-halls, and various manufac-
turing plants, mills and distilleries.
tft'WH
IB
4i2 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Connecticut Historical Society, Collections^ vols. 1-16.
Hartford: 1860-1916.
Crissey, Theron W.: History of Norfolk .... 1744-
1900, Everett, Mass.: 1900.
Davenport, Daniel: The Two Hundredth Anniversary of the
Settlement of ... . Milford, Bridgeport: 1907.
Pp. 20.
Davis, Charies H. S.: History of Wallingford . . . .
from .... 1670 to the present time, including
Meriden and Cheshire. Meriden: 1870.
Day, Thomas: Appendix to 13th Vol. Conn, Reports^ con-
taining statistics of the State Bar, separately printed.
1841.
Dexter, Franklin Bowditch: Sketch of the Historv o Yale
University, New York: 1887. Diary of David McClure^
D,D. New York: 1899. Biographical Sketches of he
Graduates of Yale Cotlege, with Annals of the College
History. 6 vols. New York: 1885-1912. Documen-
tary History of Yale University from 1701-1745, New
Haven: 1916.
Dudley, Rev. M. S.: History of Cromwell, Middletown:
1880. Pp. 36.
Dwight, Margaret Van Horn: A Journey to Ohio in 1810.
Ed. by Max Farrand. New Haven: 1912.
Dwight, Theodore: History of Connecticut^ from the first
Settlement to the Present Time. New York: 1841.
History of the Hartford Convention. Hartford: 1833.
Dwight, Timothy: Statistical Account of the City of New
Haven, New Haven: 1811. Decisions of Questions,
discussed by the Senior Class in Yale College in 1813-
1814. New York: 1833. Travels, in New England and
New York. 4 vols. New Haven: 1821-1822.
Eaton, Edward Bailey: "Hartford, the Stronghold of In-
surance.' In Conn. Mag., IX, 617-644, 873-888.
"Financial History of Hartford." In Conn. Mag., DC,
889-912.
Everts, L. H. [compiler]: History of the Connecticut Valley
in Massachusetts. 2 vols. Philadelphia: 1879.
Fairfield, 150th Anniversary of the Consociations of, with
an Historical Address. Bridgeport: 1886.
Field, Rev. David D.: Statistical Account of the County of
Middlesex in Connecticut, Middletown: 1819. ten-
BIBU0GRAPH7 443
tennial Address, with Historical Sketches of Cromwell,
Portland, Chatham, Middle-Haddam, Middletown and
its Parishes. Middletown: 1853. A History of the
Towns of Haddam and East Haddam, Middletown:
1814. Reprinted. New York: 1892.
Fisher, George P. : The Church of Christ in Yale. Pp. 99.
New Haven: 1858. The Mss. records of this Society
are deposited in the Yale University Library. Life of
Benjamin Silliman. 2 vols. New York: 186(5.
Flagg, Charles A.: Reference List on Connecticut Local His-
tory. N. Y. State Library Bulletin. Dec, 1900.
Ford, Emily E. F.: Notes on the Life of Noah Webster. 2
vols. New York: 1912.
Fowler, W. C: History of Durham, 1662-1866. Hartford: .
1866. "The Clergy and Popular Education." In Bar-
nard's Amer. Journal f Education, Jan., 1868. Local
Law in Massachusetts and Connecticut, historically con-
sidered; and the Historical Status of the Negro in Con-
necticut .... Albany: 1872.
French, Major Christopher: Journal, July, 1776.
Fuller, Grace Pierpont: An Introduction to the History of
Connecticut as a Manufacturing State. Smith CoUege
Studies in History. Oct., 1915.
Gay, Julius: Historical Address delivered at ... .
Farmington, Sept. 9, 1903. Hartford: 1903. Pp. 24.
"Schools and Schoolmasters .... in Farm-
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Pp. 24.
Giddings, Minot S . : Two Centuries of New Milford ....
New York: 1907.
Gillespie, C. B., and Curtis, George M.: A Historic Record
. . . . of Meriden. Meriden: 1906.
Oilman, Daniel Coit: An Historical Address delivered in
Norwich, Sept. 7, 1859, at the Bi-Centennial Celebra-
tion. Boston: 1859. Re-edited and brought up to
date • ... by William 0. Oilman. Norwich:
1912.
Gold, Theodore S.: Historical Records . ... of Corn-
wall .... Hartford: 1877.
Goodenough, Arthur : The Clergy of Litchfield County. Litch-
field: 1909.
i-^li^-m--
444 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Goodenough, G. F.: A Gossip .... about EUsworth
in Litchfield County, 1900.
Goodrich, Chauncey A.: "Revivals of Religion in Yale
College." In Quarterly Register, Feb., 1838.
Goodrich, John E.: "Immigration to Vermont, 1760-1790."
In Vt. Hist. Soc, Proceedings (1908-1909), pp. 65-87.
Goodwin, Joseph O.: Ec^t Hartford, Its History and Tra-
ditions. Hartford: 1879.
Green, T. and Samuel: Almanack and Register for the State
of Connecticut, 1785 et seq,
Greene, M. Louise: The Development of Religious Liberty in
Connecticut, Boston: 1905.
Gruman, William E. : The Revolutionary Soldiers of Redding
, and the Record of their Services. Hart-
ford: 1904.
Guilford y Proceedings at th • Celebration of the 250th Anniver-
sary of the Settlement of. New Haven: 1889.
Hall, Charles S. : Life and Letters of Samuel Holden Parsons
{1737-1789) .... Bmghamton, New York: 1905.
Hall, Mary [ed.]: Report , , , , of Centennial of the
Incorporation of Marlborough. Hartford: 1904.
Hart, Rev. Samuel: "The Episcopal Bank and the Bishop's
Fund." Reprinted from Conn, Churchman, Oct. and
Dec, 1914. "The Fundamental Orders and the Char-
ter." In New Haven Colony Hist. Soc^Papers, VIII,
238-254.
Hawks, Frances L., and Perry, William S.: Documentary
History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United
States .... containing numerous ....
* unpublished documents concerning the church in Con-
necticut. 2 vols. New York: 1863-1864.
Hawley, Emily C. : Historical Sketch of the First Congrega-
tional Church of Brookfield and of the Town. Brookfield :
1907.
Hawley, Zerah: Journal of a Tour through Connecticut, Massa-
chusetts .... including a year's residence in
New Haven. New Haven: 1822.
Hinman, R. R.: Antiquities of Connecticut, Hartford: 1836.
Holland, Josiah G.: History of Western Massachusetts, 2
vols. Springfield: 1855.
HoUister, G. H.: History of Connecticut, from the First
Settlement of the Colony. 2 vols. New Haven: 1855.
mt
BIBU0GRAPH7 445
Holmes, Rev. Abiel: The Life of Ezra Stiles. Boston: 1798.
Hubbard, D. H. [compiler]: Two Hundredth Anniversary
of the Clinton Congregational Church .... New
Haven: 1868.
Hughes, Sarah E,: History of East Haven. New Haven:
1908.
Humphreys, Frank Landon: Life and Times of David Hum-
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Hunt, L. E.: Proceedings at the Centeimial Celebration of
the First Company, Governor's Foot-Guard. Hart-
ford: 1872.
Huntington, Rev. E. B.: History of Stamford . .
from 1641 to the present time. Stainford: 1868.
Hurd, D. H. : History of New London County. Philadelphia:
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Jennings, John J. [compiler] : Centennial Celebration . .
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Jemegan, M. W.: The Tammany Societies of Rhode Island.
Providence: 1897.
Johnson, A. [et al.]: Historical Sketch of . . . En-
field. Hartford: 1876. Pp. 26.
Johnston, Alexander: Connecticut; a study of a conmion-
wealth democracy. Boston: 1898.
Johnston, Henry P.: Yale and Her Honor-Roll in the Ameri-
can Revolution, 1775-1783. New York: 1888.
Jones, Frederick Robertson: "History of Taxation in Con-
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Journal of the Constitutional Convention of Connecticut.
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Journal of the Proceedings of the Convention of Delegates
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Kilboume, Dwight C: The Bench and Bar of Litchfield
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Litchfield .... Historical, Biographical and
Statistical .... Hartford: 1859. Biographical
446 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 177^-1818
History of the County of LUchfidd New
York: 1851.
Kingsbury, Frederick J.: 'tHd C<»mecticut." In New
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Kingsley, James L.: Life of Esra Stiles, President of Yak
College. Boston: 1845.
Kingsley, William: Contributions to the Ecclesiastical His-
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General Association to commemorate the completion
of one-hundred and fifty years since its first Assemblies.
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Lamed, Ellen D.: Historic Gleanings in Windham County
. . . . Providence: 1899. History of Windham
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Laurer, Paul £. : "Church and Sute in New England." In
Johns Hopkins University Studies, Baltimore: 1892.
Lawson, Rev. Harvey M.: The History of Union ....
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Lee, William W.: Barkhamstead .... and its Cen-
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Levermore, Charles H.: "The Town and City Govenunent
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Lincoln, Allen B. [et al.]: A Memorial Volume of the Bi-Cen-
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Litchfield County Centennial Celebration, held at Litchfield,
Aug., 1851. Hartford: 1851.
Loomis, Dwight, and Calhoun, J. G.: The Judicial and
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England. Boston: 1895.
Lucke, Jerome B.: The History of the New Haven Grays,
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McDwaine, Henry R.: "The Struggle of Protestant Dis-
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Hopkins University Studies, XII, 174-235. Baltimore:
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448 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
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This is a stimulating essay of sound scholarship treat-
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I>
BIBU0GRAPH7 449
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■ x..!^ ;_s"-i.i --;*■ J i^l ^ ai w
■"■fl _ i«-Lm I
I ■ ■■■ji jii
MBI
450
CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
Stuart, I. W.: Life of Jonathan Trumbull . . . .
Governor of Connecticut. Boston: 1859.
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■*«'
452 CONNECTICUT IN TRANSITION: 1775-1818
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INDEX
Adams, John, 229, 310, 333.
Adams, John Quincy, treaties on
hemp raising, 165; views of New
England disunion, 251, 295.
Agriculture, cooidition of, 2, 140,
158, 159, 354; in England, 158-
159; laws and societies for im-
provement of, 161.
Albany, 153.
Alien and Sedition Laws, 250.
Allen, Ethan, religious belief of>
13-*14; author of Oracles of Rea-
son, 13; mention^, 20, 152.
Allen, Ira, 152.
Allen, J., 201.
Alsop, Col. John, 372.
Alsop, Joseph, 105, 112.
Alsop, Richard, wealthy trader,
98.
American Revolution, 1, 8, 185.
Ames, Fisher, quoted, 252; de-
scribes Republicans, 330; men-
tioned^ 237.
Andcrver, 345.
Andrews, Rev. Mr., sermon
quoted, 42.
Andros, Gc^remor, 181.
Anglican church, see Episcopal
church.
AntidericaUsm, of Republican
party, 236, 331.
Anti-Federalists, 227-228.
Articles of Confederation, 211.
Asbury, Bishop Francis, on reli-
l^ous tone of Yale, 29 j character-
izes Baptists, 79; his ToumaJ,
84; tours Connecticut, 84-85.
Assembly, description and pow-
ers of, 188.
Atheism, a felony, 43.
Atwater, Rev. NoiUi, quoted ob
lawyers, 305.
Austin, Aaron, in the constitu-
tional convention, 375, 382, 396;
mentioned, 325, 360, 370.
Austin, David, 105.
Backus, Rev. Azel, sermons men-
tioned, 35; president of Hamil-
ton College, Georgia, 153;
quoted, 230n., libels Jefferson,
277.
Backus, Rev. Charles, sermons
mentioned, 35.
Backus, Rev. Isaac, mission to
Enfdand, 69; Baptist pamphlets
of, /5.
Backus, Sylvanus, 106, 326.
Baldwin, Judge Simeon, died, 218,
290.
Baldwin, Simeon, 106, 251 n., 262n.,
277n., 375, 398, 405n.
Balloting, methods of, 193-194,
214; increasing importance of,
236; purity of, 300.
Bank of America, 333.
Banks, 2, 119; failure of, 134;
sketch of their establishment,
98; charters, 102, 108; in the
control of a date, 103, 104, 109;
opposed by Republicans, 271.
Baptist church, growth of, 5, 57,
66, 80-81 ; opposition to state-
church, 68, 74, 400, 402; atti-
tude toward war, 69; illiteracy
of ministers, 70, 87; in New
England, 70; Strict Congrega-
tionalists, merger with, 70-71;
founds college in Rhode Island,
72; democracy of, 72; petitions
and Bonus Act, 27, 345; men-
tioned, 46, 47, 64, 85, 238, 356.
Barber, Rev. Vi^ Horace, be-
comes a Catholic priest, 92.
Barlow, Joel, influence of, 22;
quoted, 27; mentioned, 32, 227,
228, 241.
Barstow, George, views on Con-
necticut's new constitutioo,
414n.
457
458
INDEX
Beach, Rev. James, sermon men-
tioned, 37.
Beach, Rev. John, conversion of,
49.
Beecher, Rev Lyman, views of
Yale religious life, 26; sermons,
34,»35; quoted, 36, 38, 286, 287n.,
291n.; opposed to duelling, 37;
opposed to liberalism, 39, 42; on
Connecticut tolerance, 93; on
character of Congregational
ministry, 322; on clerical poli-
tics, 323; views on Revolution
of 1817-1818, 350, 419; men-
tioned, 290, 319, 324, 325.
Beers, Isaac, 62, 105.
Beerq, Seth P., supports constitu-
tion, 410.
Belknap, Rev. Jeremy, 19.
Bellamy, Dr. Joseph, crusade
against infidelity, 28; men-
tioned, 42.
Bentley, Rev. William, Diary
quoted, 20, 286n., 313.
Berkley, Dean, deism of, 6; men-
tioned, 25.
Berkshire, Agricultural Society of,
142, 162, 164.
Berlin, 121, 130.
Bill of Rights, interpretation of,
409n.
Bird, Rev. Jonathan, Federalist
preaching of, 250, 313-314; de-
scribes Republicans, 329.
Bishop, Abraham, attacks Congre-
gational clergy, 21, 190-191,
232; attacks the system, 78;
attacks on Yale, 94, 301; as-
sault on Council, 201; quoted,
212; political charges by, 258;
address on extent and power of
political djelusion, 315-316; on
character of Republicans, 329;
mentioned, 105, 197, 228, 229n.,
237, 240, 243, 250, 253, 269,
274,278,322,358.
Bishop, Samuel, appointment as
collector at New Haven^ 239.
Bishop's Fund, 64, 108; see also
Episcopal church.
Boardman, Elijah, attitude on
War of 1812, 289n., 290; men-
tioned, 286, 292, 296, 332.
Bolingbroke, Lord, 19.
Bonus Act, 344-346.
Brace, John P., 419.
Brade, Jonathan, 112, 145, 200,
201, 325, 359, 360.
Brace, Thomas K., 112.
Brainerd, Ezra, 326.
Brainerd, Jeremiah, 398n.
Bridgeport, 131; Bank of, 101.
Brighton Cattle Show, 164.
Bristol, William, Essay in defense
of Embargo, 282; work in the
convention, 378, 379.
Bristol, 51, 69, 120.
British Constitution, 406n.; see
also Finland.
Brookfield, Episcopal church in,
57.
Brooklyn, Episcopal church in, 52.
Brown, Rev. Daniel, 47.
Brownell, Bishop, 59.
Bull, J., 259.
Bull, Thomas, 145.
Bureaucracy, in Connecticut, 210.
Burke, Edmund, quoted, 139.
Burlington, 131,345, 411; dissent-
ing churches in, 57, 69, 86.
Burnham, Oliver, in the conven-
tion, 376.
Burr, Aaron, 232, 240, 252n.
Burrows, Daniel, in the conven-
tion, 379.
Burrows, Enoch, a Republican
demagogue, 371; in the conven-
tion, 397.
Caldwell, John, 104, 195, 111,
112, 145,326.
Calvinism, liberalizing of, 39, 41 ;
see also Puritans, ideals.
Canaan, 83, 121.
Canada, effect of Embargo on,
278.
Canterbury, 89.
Capital, increase in monetary, 98.
Carey, Matthew, taunts Connec-
ticut with lack of patriotism,
294.
Carrying trade, 113.
M«l
INDEX
459
Cary, James, 319.
Catholic church, attacks u^n,
34, 35; and French Refvolution,
16-18; position of, 91-92.
Caucuses, political, 300.
Certificate laws, 67-68, 78, 81, 82,
92; reform of, 355-356.
Channing, Rev. Henry, a Unita-
rian divine, 90.
Channing, Rev. William Ellery,
sermon^ of, 35.
Chapin, Calvin, 325, 326.
Chapman, Asa, 343, 360.
Chappell, Edward, 106.
Charter-Oak, 174.
Charter of Connecticut, 78, 174,
176, 244, 245, 257, 260, 261,
263, 265, 369, 371, 407n., 415;
legalized as a state constitution,
175.
Chatham, Baptist church in, 69.
Chesapeake affair, 276.
Cheshire, 66, •364; academy at,
364.
Chittenden, Thomas, 152 .
Churcli, Judge Samuel, quoted,
46; views on the judiciary, 208;
on prosecution of Republicans,
276n.; on the position of Con-
gregational clergy, 324; on char-
acter of Republicans, 328.
Church and state, 2, 93, 106, 218;
separation of, 286-288, 400-
403, 416-419.
Church of England, see Episcopal
church.
Churchman's Monthly Magazine^
56.
Cincinnati, O., 229.
Cincinnati, Society of, 243.
Clap, Rector Thomas, philosophy
of, 6; intolerance of, 24.
Clark, Patrick, 376.
Clergy, Congregational, influence
of, 19, 190, 212, 214, 236, 301,
307, 317, 368; number and sal-
aries of, 22, 322 n. ; Federalist ac-
tivities of, 31, ZZ, 194, 290, 307,
310, 315, 322; aristocratic ten-
dencies of, 72-73; Republican
attacks, 237, 307, 320, 325n.,
331, 336; lack of patriotism in
1812, 289; as patrioU in 1776,
309.
Cleveland, General, 145.
Colchester, 120.
Conmierce, decline of, 354.
Comptroller of Currency, 184,
^3>^\ under the constitution, 392.
Congregationalism, low religious
tone of, 5, 82; and Toleration,
Act of 1784, 12; see also Clergy,
Congregational.
Congregational societies, strength
of, 43 ; their control of education,
60, 94; undemocratic seating in,
73; and the Bonus, 344-345.
Connecticut, np frontier, 1-2, 270;
Bible Society, 32; Missionary
Society, 32; people of, and tax-
ation, 83; intolerance of 93;
Moral Society, 32 ; characteristics
of its people, 100, 284; banks of,
102; size of farms, 149-150; pop-
ulation of, 151-152; Agncul-
tural Society, 163; opposition to
War of 1812, 269, 279, 287-288,
292.
Connecticut Valley, 45, 113, 142,
271.
Constitution, demands for a, 3,
178, 253, 338, 364; Charter
questioned as a, 176, 244, 265;
characteristics of an American,
262, 265, 384; legislature and
towns urge a new, 366-367,
369-371; provides for two capi-
tals, 386; general resume of, 408r-
409; ratification by voters, 408-
414; see also Convention.
Convention, call for a, 371; elec-
tion of delegates, 373; person-
nel, 375-376; chaplains se-
lected, 377; rules adopted, 377-
378; selection of drafting com-
mittee, 378-380; adopts pream-
ble to constitution, 380^381;
considers and adopts Bill of
Rights, 381-385; separates pow-
ers of government, 385-380; de-
bates on Legislature, 386; de-
bates on Senate, 388-389; de-
460
INDEX
bates on executive, 590-393; de-
bates on Judiciary, 393-399; on
suffrage, 399; consideraton of
religious toleration, 400-403; on
impeachment, 404; final vote
on constitution, 406-408; cost
of, 408n.
Cornwall, dissent in, 50, 66, 69,
83, 86; mission school at, 418.
Corrupt practices acts, 215-216,
400.
Corruption, political, 103, 211,
338, 346, 347; see also Phoenix
Bank.
Cotton, manufacturers, 125, 134;
prices of, 134-135.
CouncU, members, 43, 420; de-
feats Baptist petitions and £piB-
copal College charter, 61, 79;
powers of, 183, 192, 199, 263,
342, 347; atUcks upon, 195,
198, 254, 341, 358-359; attitude
in War of 1812, 200; terms of
office, 209; and financial re-
g>rts, 340; opposed by Lower
ouse, 355, 3^7, 362, 369; se-
crecy of debates, 372, 386; men-
tioned, 105, 106.
Courts, of errors, 182; common
pleas or county, 204, 208; pro-
bate, 205-206; partisanship of,
264; see also Superior Court;
Supreme Court of Errors; Su-
preme Court of U. S.
Cowles, Rev. Whitfield, persecu-
tion of, 311.
Coxe, Tench, statistics from, 120,
126, 129.
Crewse. Rev. Tohn, 59.
Critical Period, character of, 14.
Cromwell, 69.
Cromwell, Oliver, 328. 337, 366.
Croswell, Rev. H., election ser-
mon, 368.
Cutler, Rev. Manasseh, 145.
Cutler, Rev. Timothy, conver-
sion of, 23, 47.
Daggett, David, resigns from
Council, 199-201; describes
Connecticut government, 210;
poli^cal writings, 257, 268;
on ministerial influence, 310;
mentioned, 105, 225, 227, 260,
261, 270, 277n., 316n., 323.
D'Alembcrt, 19.
Dallas, Alexander, law reports by,
304n.
Dana, Rev. James, sermons by,
34-35; quoted, 40, 92, 181n.
Dana, Senator S. W., mentioned,
322.
Danbury, 245, 365; dissent in, 83;
manufactures in, 120, 131.
Dartmouth College, 143, 335.
Davenport, James, 177.
Day, President Jeremiah, 29, 367.
Day, Secretary Thomas, 184, 230,
304, 322, 326, 349.
Dearborn, General, calls for mili-
tia, 200.
Declaration of Independence, 53,
116, 175.
Declaration of Rights, 177.
Deism, spread to be hindered, 77.
Delaware, 270; Land Company,
141.
Democracy, of Baptist preachers,
72; of banks, 100.
Denison, Charles, 60, 106, 343.
Denison, Elisha, 106.
Derby, 115; Bank, 101, 105, 109;
Fishing Company, 101, 1 14-1 15,
117.
Dickinson, Gov. Daniel, 153.
Dissenters, tithes paid by, 12;
grievances of, 92, and Republi-
canism, 97, 276, 314-315, 327;
emigration of, 141.
Districting, of Connecticut, 389,
411.
Doddridge^ Rev. Philip^ sermon of,
37.
Domestic Missionary Society, es-
tablished, 36.
Duellix^, condemnation of, 37,
399.
Duncan', John M., views as a
traveller, 29; on the state con^
stitution, 405]^.
Dwight, Margaret, Diary quoted,
146.
INDEX
461
Dwight, Theodore, describes Re-
publicans, 238n., 330; secretary
of the Hafrtford Convention,
293; defense of the Hartford
Convention, 295; on political in-
fluence of Congregational clergy,
317; mentioned, 63, 106, 153,
237, 252, 322, 323, 325.
Dwight, President Timothy, cam-
paigns against infid<elity,9,12,
26; on Catholic church, 17-;18;
character, 18, 320; Triumph ojf
Infiddily, 19; political activity,
29, 301, 302, 318; sermons, 34,
35; opposes duelHng, 37; esti-
mates Universalist and Episco-
palian strength, 57, 89; on im-
migration, 15i6; on the powers
of the Legislature, 187; on the
judiciary, 207, 398; attacks on,
318-320; on position of clergy,
321n.; mentioned, 13, 14, 18,
27, 29, 42, 106, 139, 213, 232,
242, 243, 262n., 275n., 277n.,
304, 308, 319, 325, 350.
East Haodam, dissent in, 69.
East Hartford, dissent in, 69, 83,
85; mentioned, 120, 130.
East Havei^, dissent in, 57.
East Indies, trade with, 114.
East Windsor, 120.
Ecclesi^tical chart, analysis of,
339.
Edclesiastical funds, 108.
Edmond, Judge Williakn, 398n.
Education, article in the consti-
tution on, 403-404; see also
School fimd; Schools.
Edwards, H. W., 371.
Edwards, Rev. Jonathan, 42, 107,
232.
Edwards, Rev. Jonathan, Jr., 356,
371, 372n.
Edwards, Pierrepont, defends
Judd, 261 ; work in the conven-
tion, 376, 378, 379, 380, 389,
406; mentioned, 227, 232, 237,
241, 248, 255, 277, 283.
Edwards, Walter, 322.
Election Day, 181, sermons, 190;
ceremonies of. 190-191.
Elections, of 1790-1800, 229; of
1799, 230-231; of 1800, 232,
248, 312; of 1801, 236; of 1802,
243; of 1803, 248; of 1804,
257, 259; of 1805, 270; of 1806,
274, 276; of 1807, 276-277; of
1808, 279; of 1809, 282-283;
of 1810, 284; of 1812-1813, 288;
of 1814, 292; of 1815, 296-297;
of 1816, 336, 342; of 1817,346,
358,360;methodofholding,213-
214; reform of, 218; purity and
secrecy of, 243; law of, 263-264.
Ellsworth, Henry, 163.
Ellsworth, Oliver, 79, 104, 210n.,
227, 332.
Ely, Rev. Zebulon, 319.
Embargo, Connecticut attitude
toward, 115, 277-278; and man-
ufactures, 132; Republicans sup-
?ort the, 281-282; mentioned,
15, 123, 148.
Emerson, Rev. Ralph, sermon of,
34.
Emigration, western, 3, 128, 139-
140; chaiacter of those emigrat-
ing, 139, 147, 152; extent of,
151-152; causes of, 154; move-
ment to halt, 154; Gov. Woloott
considers, 353, 354.
Enfield, 121, 131,
England, industnal and commer-
cial rivalry of, 133: and War of
1812, 288; judges in, 393, 396;
mentioned, 198.
Episcopal Bank, 102; see also
Phoenix Bank.
Episcopal church, Toryism of, 5, 7,
53; establi^iment and growth of,
46, 51, 52, 55, 57, 63, 64; Act of
Toleration favors, 48-49; perse-
cutipn suffered by, 48, 59, 74;
Bishop and Bishop's Fund, 53,
344; literacy of its ministers,
56; and War of 1812, 58; and
the Bonus Act, 345; and the
tithe system, 356; mentioned,
46, 90, 249, 314; see also Bishop's
Fund.
m
M«taa«j
ioaiilttiJMiiMfe
462
INDEX
Episcopal college, opposition of
the Standing Order to, 201,315;
mentioned 59, 95, 416.
Episcopalians, enter the Republi-
can-Toleration party, 285, 340,
342, 346; position of, 336-337;
support tne convention, 375;
mentioned, 319, 402, 403.
Establishment, the, 6, 48; opposed
by Tolerationists, 337-338; see
also Church and State; Tithe
system.
European wars, influence on indus-
trial life of Connecticut, 99.
Exports, 113, 116.
Factories, 98, 99; social life in,
123, 126.
Fairchild, Robert, work in the
convention, 385-386; opposes
the constitution, 407.
Fairfield, 116, 196n.; dissent in, 83.
Fairfield County, Episcopalians
in, 48, 52; manufacturmg in,
125, 127, 137, 138; Toleration
strength in, 339; vote on the
constitution, 412n., 413; men-
tioned, 259, 270, 357.
Fanning, Col. Edward, a loyalist,
53, 320.
Farmington, town of, 260.
Farms, size of Connecti/cut, 159.
Fast days, 181.
Fearon, Henry B., describes Meth-
odists, 87.
Federal Constitution, religious tol-
eration of, 14, 309; Connecticut
ratification of, 227, 383.
Federalist Party, and Ep^opali-
ans, 61; character of Federal-
ists, 77, 327; opposes manufac-
tures, 132, 136; organizatipn,
229; lack of patriotism in 1812,
288; decline of, 295, 415; and
the convention. 373.
Field, Rev. David, estimates num-
ber of Baptists, 80; quoted, 157.
Financial reports, of treasurer,
340.
Fitch, Asa, 106.
Fitch, Jabez, 276, 277n.
Flint, Rev. Abel, quoted, 340.
Florida, 142.
Foote, S. A., 371.
Foreigners, opposition to, 115.
Fourtii of July orations aiKl toasts,
271-272.
Freeman, Edmund, in the con-
vention, 379.
Free matebnry, 14, 229.
French and Indian War, marks en-
trance of infidelity, 6.
French Revolution, 366; effect on
Connecticut religious life, 15;
Connecticut attitude toward,
16, 228, 233; and Catholic
church, 16-17.
Friends, persecution of, 91; see
also Quakers.
Fundamental Orders of Connec-
ticut, 174, 263, 265, 371, 382.
Gale, Dr. Benjamin, discourses
on Connecticut's constitution*
176; on long teiiures of office,
211.
Gales Ferty, Methodists in, 83.
General Assembly, description and
powers, 180, 182, 185; judicial
powers of, 202.
George III, 228.
Glastonbury, manufacturing in,
127.
Goddard, Judge Calvin, 106, 239,
251n., 291, 322, 335, 339,357;
and the Hartford Convention,
295; displaced from the bench,
398.
Goodrich, Chauncey, quoted, 200,
291, 313; describes Republicans,
234; delegate to the Hartford
Convqition, 293; mentioned,
201, 252, 277n., 325, 332.
Goodrich, Rev. Elizur, 52.
Goodrich, Elizur, 200, 201, 272,
322; removal from the collector-
ship of New Haven, 23<^240.
Goodrich, Roger, 106.
Goodrich, Samuel, 325.
Goshen, Methodists in, 345.
Gould, Judge James, 25 In., 304,
398n.
rtWi
INDEX
463
Governing class, 193, 210, 213;
su also Standing Order.
Government, working, 174.
Governor, powers, dtities and
election of, 180, 209; Foot-
Guards, 289; under the new
constitution, 385-386, 390-393.
Granby, dissenters in, 86, 346.
Granger, Gideon, 153, 217, 229,
232, 233, 235, 237, 240, 24/, 243.
Great Awakening, 5, 23, 49, 65,
67, 82; see also Revivals^
Greene, Louise, quoted, 323n.
Greeriwich, 365.
GriBwold, Rev. John, sem)ons of ,35.
Griswold, Matthew, 276, 335, 359.
Griswold, Gov. Roger, /ind militia
episode, 200; addresj^^es the Leg-
islature, 287-288; mentioned,
284, 285, 289, 290^ 323.
Griswold, Rev. Stiuiley, clerical
persecution of, MO-311; men-
tioned, 106, 153^ 236.
Groton, dissenters in, 66, 91 ; man-
ufacturing in, 127; mentioned,
345, 365.
Guilford, cfissenters in, 50, 69.
Haodam, dissenters in, 58, 83.
Hamden^ dissenters in, 57, 86;
manufacturing in, 130, 365.
Hamilton, Alexander, financial pol-
icy of, 99; on dependence of
judges, 208; mentioned, 37,
104, 263, Z^Z.
Hampton, dissenters in, 69.
Hart, Gen, WiUiam, 143, 231, 232,
233, 235, 250, 261, 270, 274,
279, 280.
Hartford, Deaf and Dumb Asy-
lum, 33n.; Bank, 100, 104, 107;
Phoenipc Bank of, 102, 106; and
New Haven Insurance Co., Ill ;
Fire Insurance Co., 112; manu-
facturing in, 120, 127, 130-131;
Toleration-Republican strength
in, 275, 340, 3/4; constitutional
convention at, 377; election
disorder in, 400; mentioned,
182, 191, 196n., 247, 283, 296,
365, 375, 386.
Hartford Convention, delegates
from Connecticut, work of, 293;
mentioned, 201, 289, 326n.,
336, 339, 342, 347, 359.
Hartford County, manufacturing
in, 125, 127, 137-138; Agricul-
tural Society of, 163, 164; vote
on the constitution, 412n.
Harvard, religious life of, 23.
HaskeU, £li« 106.
Haynes, Gov. John, 349.
Hebron, 128, 379.
Herbert, Lord, philosophy of, 19.
Hillhouse, Senator James, oppo-
sition to manufactures, 106,
132; delegate to Hartford Con-
vention, 293; mentioned, 247n.,
248, 251n., 259, 277n., 321,
348 364.
Hillhouse, William, 235.
Hobart, Bishop John H., sermon
of, 34.
Hobbes, philosophy of, 19.
Holley, President Horace, of Tran-
svlvania College, 153.
HoUister, G. H., on the results of
the political revolution, 415.
Holly, Israel, pamphlet by, 75.
Holmes, Uriel, 145.
Hooker, Rev. Asabel, sermon of,
34, 323n.
Hooker, Rev. Thomas, quoted,
384n.
Hopkins, Samuel, 42.
Hosmer, Judge Stephen, 398n.
Hosmer, Judge Titus, 135.
Hotham, Admiral, entertained by
Hartford society, 296.
Hubbard, Elijah, 112.
Hubbard, G., 371.
Hudson, Henry, mentioned, ^^t
112, 325.
Hume, David, 11, 19.
Humphreys, General David,
founder of Humphrwsville
Manufacturing Co., 123; ad-
dress on agr^ulture, 162-163;
sketch of, 1^7-168; mentioned,
164, 350.
Hungerford, William, in the con-
vention, 379, 381, 401n.
i-^f.*-'! — ■■--■■,^j£t?i'
mmm
464
INDEX
Huntington, Ebenezer, 106, 112.
Huntington, Gen. Jedidiah, 33,
105, 210n., 325-326.
Huntington, Jonathan, 112.
Huntington, Gov. Samuel, 56, 153.
Hyde, Elisha, 217, 272.
IlXUmNATI, 14.
Immigration, 156.
Impeachment, under the consti-
tution, 404.
Infidelity, at the close of the Revo-
lution, 11; during the Critical
Period, 12, 14; inVale, 22.
Insurance companies, 2, 111.
Intemperance, prevalence of, 37,
109n.
Internal trade, 135, 147-148.
Iijsh, immigration of, 156-157;
juries, 209; Pennsylvania Irish
and the War of 1812, 289.
Iron industry, 121.
Jackson, President Andrew,
mentioned, 382.
Jacobins and Jacobinism, 16, 19,
258, 263, 274, 283, 314, 329;
their clubs, 228, 231.
Jarvis, Bishop Abraham, toryism
of, 54; mentioned, 56, 249.
Jefiferson, President Thomas, irre-
ligious views of, 21, 30; election
of, 30; buys Connecticut home-
spuns, 123; attacked by Clerical-
Federalists, 234, 312; uses pat-
ronage, 239; administration of,
253, 280; mentioned, 116, 167,
228, 230, 306, 394, 395.
Jefifersonian party, 228, 236, 340;
see also Republican party.
Jews, 92, 385.
Johnson, Samuel, religious views
and conversion of, 6, 23, 47;
mentioned, 51, 61.
Johnson, William Samuel, patriot-
ism of, 53; mentioned, 63,
210n., 227, 242, 343, 358, 360.
Judd, William, controversy, over
New Haven Address, 255; his
manuscript defense, 262.
Judiciary Act, Federal, 333.
Judiciary department, depend-
ence of, 199, 207; courts, powen,
etc., 202; reform of, 356-357;
under newjconstitution, 386, 393,
405-406.
Justices of peace, powers and i^
pointment of, 206-207, 393.
Kant, philosophv of, 19.
Kendall, Edward A., on the pow-
ers of the Legislature and Coun-
cil, 188, 198-199; view of Con-
necticut democracy, 212.
Kent, Episcopal church in, 58.
Kentucky, 148.
Kilboume, James, 145.
Killingly, manufacturing in, 127.
Killingworth, dissenters m, 58, 69,
89.
King, Rufus, 339n.
Kingsbury, Treasurer Andrew,
104, 105, 163, 184n., 325, 340,
348, 367.
Kirby, Ephrajm, advocates wider
suffrage, 218, 223; ajwointed
judge of Louisiana, 241; legal
reports by, 304; mentioned, 230,
232, 238, 247, 248, 274.
Laboring Class, evidences of,
121, 131, 171, 306.
Lake Erie lands, 141 .
Lanman, James, in convention,
377, 378, 379, 388, 397.
Lamed, Amasa, in convention,
377, 378.
Laud, Puritan fear of, 53.
Law, Jonathan, 241.
Law, Judge Richard, 238.
Lawyers, dependence on Federal-
ist courts, 208; Federalist, in
politics, 303, 306; in the con-
vention, 379.
Learned, George, in the conven-
tion, 378, 380.
Ledyard, Separatbts in, 66.
Lee, Rev. Jesse, on reUgious life
of the state, 16; his tours, 81, 83.
Leffingwel), William, 105.
Legislature, election of represen-
Utives, 189; reform of the, 362;
Mm
INDEX
465
under the constitution, 386-390;
see also Assembly; Council;
Elections; Stand-up Law.
Leland, Rev. John, estimates Bap-
tist strength, 70; sermons of,
76; urges disestablishment, 76,
96; quoted, 77; mentioned, 244.
Lieutenant Governor, powers and
duties of, 183, 209; under the
constitution, 390-393.
Litchfield, 196n., 333; Republican
celebration at, 275-276.
Litchfield County, dissent in, 50-
51, 57, 86; Toleration-Republi-
can strength in, 86, 275, 339,
349; manufacturing in, 125, 127,
130, 137-138; Agricultural So-
dtty of, 164; vote on the con-
stitution, 41 2n.; mentioned, 80,
141, 142, 152, 271, 276.
Litchfield Law School, 304, 332.
Literacy of the people, 302.
Livingston, Robert, 167, 169.
Locke, Letters on ToUraliotiy 24.
London Missionary Society, work
of, 51, 55.
Long Wharf, of New Haven, 115,
117.
Louisiana Purchase, attitude of
state toward, 252, 317.
Loyalists, 227.
Lyman, Phineas, land agent, 141,
Lyman, Thomas, 379.
Lyman Rev. William, sermon of,
275.
Lyme, 365.
Lyon, Matthew, 231.
McClellan, Col. John, work in
the convention, 371, 374, 385,
388, 405n., 407.
McClure, Rev. David, 277n.
McDonough, Commodore, 135.
McNeille, Rev. R. C, views on
Congregationalism, 418.
Madison, James, 241.
Maine, immigration to, 144.
Mansfield, Separatists in, 66.
Manufactures, development of, 2,
118, 128; aided by the sUte,
136, 354, 356.
Marlbone, Col. Godfrey, 52.
Marlborough, manufacturing in,
127.
Marsh, Rev. Ebenezer, sermons of,
34.
Massachusetts, relmous system
of, 82; Agricultural Society, 163,
164, 168; and the embargo, 281;
in the Hartford Convention, 295;
mentioned, 90, 93, 284.
Mayors, 206, 210.
Medical School, 62.
Meigs, Jonathan, 145.
Meigs, Prof. Josiah, 301.
Menden, 120, 280.
Merino sheep, introduction of,
prices, etc., 121, 166, 169.
Merwin, Orange, in the conven-
tion, 379.
Methodist-Episcopal church,
growth of, 57, 81, 85n., 88; per-
secution suffered by, 86; pnmi-
tive ministry, 87, 236; and
Bonus Act, 345; its college, 416.
Methodists, in New Engltmd, 70;
become Republicans, 85, 89; de-
mand disestablishment, 400;
mentioned, 5, 46, 47, 64, 74,
238, 356.
Middlesex County, dissenters in,
63-64; manufacturing in, 125,
127, 137-138;Tolerationstrength
in, 339, 412n.
Middletown, dissenting churches
in, 50, 66, 69, 86, 89; Bank of,
101, 107; Marine Insurance Co.,
112; Manufacturing Company,
124, 130; mentioned, 92, 102,
116, 365.
Milford, Methodist church in, 83.
Militia, officers of, 183; contro-
versy, 342.
Miller, Asher, 135, 260.
Mississippi, constitution of, 380n.
Mitchell, Senator Stephen Mix,
in the convention, 377, 388;
favors the constitution, 407.
Monroe, James, visits the state,357.
Montesquieu, 187, 263, 304.
Moore, Roswell, 106.
Moral Society, 35, 326.
466
INDEX
Morgan, John, 104, 105, HI, 114.
Morris, Robert, 104.
Morse, Rev. Asahel, 401.
Morse, Rev. Jedidiah, his Geog-
raphy, 307, 317.
Mystic Manufacturing Co., 124.
Napoleon, defeat of, 288.
National Bank, 99, 102, 105; sec-
ond, 110, 111, 333.
Negroes, 88.
New Bqtain, 8.
New England, 115, 141; Tract
Society, 33, 326; Primer, 96;
and Embargo, 278; RepubUcan-
ism of, 279.
Newgate prison, 362.
New Hampshire, disestablishment,
93; emigration to, 142, 144, 153,
284.
New Haven, Congregationalists
ip, 24, 44; dissenters in, 44, 51,
58, 69, 84, 86; bank of, 100, 105;
Eagle Bank of, 101, 106, 107,
110; Marine Insurance Co., 112;
shipping, 114, 116; manufactur-
ing in, 130, 131; Republican
convention at, 248, 254; and
the embargo, 280; Monroe at,
357; a capital city, 386; address,
395; vote on the constitution,
411, 413; mentioned, 54, 92,
102, 113, 115, 196n., 240, 301,
346, 365, 374, 375, 379, 387n.
New Haven County, manufactur-
ing in, 125, 127, 137-138; Agri-
cultural Society, 162; vote on
the constitution, 412n., 413;
mentioned, 305, 339.
New Lights, see Separatists.
New London, dissenting churches
in, 56, 69, 83-84; Union Bank,
• 100, 105; Bank of, 101, 106;
Union Insurance Co., 112; men-
tioned, 90, 113, 115, 116, 196n.,
357, 365.
New London County, manufac-
turing in, 125, 127, 137, 138;
Republican strength in, 248,
339; vote on the constitution,
412n., 413.
New Milford, dissenting churches
in, 66, 91.
Newspapers, Rq>ublicaii, 235;
Federalists, 300, 303, 316; at-
tack clergy, 317n.
Newtown, dissenters in, 52, 99,
365.
New York, banks of, 105, 109; im-
migration to, 143, 144, 153; Mer-
chants Bank, 333; mentioned,
113, 142, 148, 234, 330.
NicoU, John, 112.
Niles, John M., on the constitu-
tion, 407.
Non-Intercourse Acts, 115, 119,
2S\; see also Embaiigo.
North America, Bank of, 104.
North Haven, 318.
Norwalk, Methodists in, 83.
Norwich, dissenting churches in,
58, 66, 69, 86, 89; Bank, 101,
106; Insurance Co., Ill; Mu-
tual Assurance Co., HI; men-
tioned, 120, 127, 130, 131, 196n.,
335.
Nott, Rev. Samuel, 283.
Numa, articles by, 265.
Ohio, emigration to, 144, 146; de-
scription of frontier, 172n.;
mentioned, 148, 150, 396.
Osborne, Selleck, imprisoned Re-
publican editor, 275.
Osgood, Rev. Thaddeus, 313n.
Paine, Thomas, Age of Reason^ 20;
death of, 32.
Panic after 1815, 108-109, 118,
133, 147.
Parliament, 186.
Party life, prior to 1800, 229, 273-
274, 295, 297-298; see also Elec-
tions; Federalist party; R^ub-
lican party; Toleration party.
Patronage, federal, 239.
Patten, Nathaniel, 112.
Pearson, Rev. Eliphalet, 32 In.
Pennsylvania, emigration to, 144,
150; mentioned, 234.
Perkins, Elias, 106; 360.
Perkins, Enoch, 145, 322, 325.
Mh
INDEX
467
Perkins, William, 326.
Peters, Rev. Hugh, 53.
Peters, Dr. John S., in the con-
vention, 37<^380.
Pettibone, Judge Augustus, in the
convention, 379.
Phelps, Anson, 310.
Phelps, Elisha, 378.
Phelps, Oliver, land agent, 104,
143, 153.
Phelps, Samuel, 152.
Philadelphia, Agricultural Society,
162; character of elections in,
374.
Phoeidx Bank, 62, 102, 103-104,
^44.
Pierpont, R., 407.
Pitkin, Samuel, 33, 106, 322, 325.
Pitkin, Timothy, hostility to Jef-
ferson, 277. 367; in the conven-
tion, 375, 377, 378, 379, 389, 403.
Pittsfield cattle show, 164.
Plajnfield, 127, 335.
Politico-religious societies, 201,
324; political preaching, 312.
Pomfret, dissenting churches in,
51, 69, 91; Manufacturing Co.,
126.
Population, racial character of, 157.
Porter, Rev. Noah, sermons, 35,
44; on revival of 1821, 419.
Porter, Gen. Peter Buel, 153.
Presbyterians, 45, 46, 49.
Prices, 1774 to 1816, 172-173.
Priestiey, Dr. Joseph, religious
influence of, 21, 41.
Probate Courts, 205-206.
Providence, R. I., 125.
Provincialism of Connecticut lead-
ers, 270.
Public schools, secularized, 419.
Puritans, ideals, 2, 39, 96: repel
immigrants, 156.
Quakers, complete toleration for,
372; mentioned, 46, 67, 91.
Redding, 83, 365.
Reeve, Judge Tapping, quoted,
302n.; mentioned, 33, 232, 304,
322, 326.
Republican party, opposed by
clergy, 19, 310; character of
members, 19, 234, 327, 352,
360n.; attacks Yale, 30; appeals
to dissenters, 31, 85, 97, 285;
supports Baptist petitions, 79-
80; supports manufactures, 132,
135; favors suffrage extension,
218; organized, 232; hostility
toward clergy, 236, 331; con-
vention at New Haven, 255;
and Toleration success, 332.
Revivals, 28, 30, 33, 44, 59, 85,
87, 418; see also Great AwaJcen-
ing.
Revolution of 1817-1818,4, 211,
348, 350, 364, 398, 415-419.
Rhode Island, no written consti-
tution, 176; dependent judici-
ary in, 394; mentioned, 131,
256.
Richards, George H., on Yale, 94;
political essay by, 367.
Roads, construction of good, 166.
Robbins, Rev. Thomas, describes
Baptists and Methodists, 68, 87;
opmion of Jefferson, 313; de-
scribes Republicans, 330; views
on the Revolution of 1817-1818)
350, 359, 361, 410n., 414n.; on
universal suffrage, 374; quoted
or mentioned, 146, 169, 214, 235,
276, 283, 284n., 316, 340, 368,
377n.
Rochefoucauld, Duke de la, on
Connecticut intolerance, 93.
Root, Ephraim, 104, 112, 145.
Root, Jesse, 304; in the conven-
tion, 375, 377, 378, 382, 385,
395.
Rousseau, 19, 27.
Rum industry, 121, 131; see also
Intemperance.
Salisbuky, dissent!^ churches in,
44, 142; iron mines in, 121.
Saltonstall, Gov. Gurdon, 349.
Sampson, Rev. Ezra, 302.
Saybrook, Methodists in, 86.
Saybrook platform, 13, 94, 376.
Scantick, 37^.
468
INDEX
School fund, 76, 108, 338, 403-404,
416.
Schools, 3; dissenters oppose, 94;
school teachers, 95-96; Sunday
schools, established, 96, 419;
Congregational, 302, 307.
Scioto Land Co., 145.
Seabury, Bishop Samuel, toryism,
53; made bishop, 55; mentioned,
49.
Secretary of State, powers and
duties, 184, 209, 390-392.
Selectmen, 206, 210.
Senate, under the constitution,
388; present day position, 389n.
Separatists, persecution of, 65;
compared to Baptists, 70; men-
tioned, 46, 47, 49.
Seymour, Horatio, 152.
Seymour, Methodists in, 86.
Shaftesbury, Lord, 11, 19.
Shakers, 91.
Sharon, dissenting churches in,
54, 85, 349.
Sheep breeding, 166; see also
Merino sheep.
Sheriffs, duties, powers, etc., 183,
185, 209, 393.
Sherman, Charles, 105.
Sherman, Rev. John, 90.
Sherman, Roger, 33, 197, 210n.,
227, 326.
Sherman, Roger M., religious ex-
geriences, 27; delegate to the
[artford Convention, 293;
mentioned, 106, 290, 343, 359.
Sherwood, Samuel, 200.
Shipman, Elias, 105.
Shipping, 113, 147, 163; statistics
of, 118n.
Silliman, Prof. Benjamin, 27, 29.
.Skinner, Gov. Richard, 152.
Smith, Gov. John Cotton, on fail-
ure of shipping, 118; on manu-
factures, 133, 135; attitude
toward War of 1812, 293, 295n.;
mentioned, 33, 41, 251, 290,
291, 292, 296, 322, 325, 335,
337, 339, 346, 348, 41 5n.
Smith, Nathan, in the convention,
376, 378, 380, 395.
Smith, Nathaniel, resigns from
Council, 199; delegate to Hart-
ford Convention, 293; men-
tioned, 360, 398n.
Society for Propagation of the
Gospel, 50.
Somers, dissenters in, 89.
South America, prospective trade
with, 137.
Southington, dissenting churches
in, 57, 69.
Spalding, Asa, mentioned, 232,
253, 283, 284, 285.
Spencer, Isaac, 184, 291.
Spencer, Isaac, Jr., 367.
Stafford, 365.
Stamford, dissenters in, 50; Re-
publican strength in, 318, 387.
Standing Order, ministers of, 87,
95; rulers of the, 326; passing
away of the, 384, 403; men
tioned, 31, 47, 50, 56, 71, 83, 92-
93, 107, 140, 197, 228, 303.
324.
Stand-up Law, 194, 216, 243.
Stanley, George W., political pam-
phlets of, 226, 273; on position
of the clergy, 317-318.
Sterling, 126.
Stevens, James, in the convention,
376, 387, 397, 407; mentioned,
371, 372.
Stiles, President Ezra, religious
views and labors, 6, 7, 10, 11,
22, 39, 44; character, 18, 25; on
the Baptists and Methodists,
67, 71, 72, 84; views on Epis-
copalian Church, 51, 53, 55; on
immigration, 156; mentioned,
42, 49, 74, 94, 120, 305, 335.
Stonington, 69, 365.
Storrs, Lemuel, 145.
Stowe, Joshua, in the convention,
376, 379, 380, 400, 402.
Stratford, dissenting churches in,
46, 47, 83.
Street, Titus, 112.
Strong, Dr. Nathan, sermons of,
35; mentioned, 17n., 326, 350.
Sullivan, Gov. James, 319.
Superior Court, 203, 357, 393, 398.
)>
INDEX
Supreme Court of Errors, 202,
208, 393.
Supreme Court of the U. S., veto
of legislation by, 397.
Swift, Judge Zephaniah, on con-
stitutional reform, 179-180; de-
fines powers of the Legislature,
188, 196; delegate to the Hart-
ford Convention, 293; on de-
pendence of judges, 204, 207,
398; mentioned or quoted, 14,
39, 49, 106, 202, 211, 213, 242,
304, 305n., 398n.
Talcott, Gov. Joseph, 183.
Tallmadge, Benjamin, 243, 25 In.
Tammany tribes, 329.
Tariff of 1816, 135.
Taxation, system of, 103-104,
347, 358; Gov. Wolcott recom-
mends reform in, 354-355 ; legis-
lative repK)rt on, 363; re.', rr ■ ;r .
416.
Tea tax, 69.
Terry, Henry, in the convention,
387, 394, 395, 406, 407.
Terry, Nathaniel, and Hartford
Convention, 295; in the conven-
tion, 375, 377, 387, 403, 406, 407,
410; mentioned, 104, 105, 112.
Thanksgiving, 181.
Thayer, Father John, 92.
Thompson, manufacturing in, 127.
TindaU, the philosophy of, 11.
Tithe system, 47, 50, 89, 149, 348;
aboUshed, 416-419.
Todd, William, in the convention,
378, 407.
Toleration, Act of 1784, 12, 48, 65,
69, 75; under the constitution,
Z%, 384^385, 400-403; Party,
45, 91, 106, 307, 332, 341,342;
Act of 1791, 81; Wolcott on,
352; see also Baptist church;
Elections, of 1816-1818; Epis-
copal church; Methodist church;
Quakers.
Tolland County, manufacturing
in, 125, 128, 137, 138; Toleration
strength in, 339; vote on the con-
stitution, 412n., 413.
Tomlinson, David, 105, 343, 6 .
Tomlinson, Gideon, 376, 378, 379»
400.
Tomlinson, Isaac, 112.
Tories, 53, 149; see also Loyalists.
Towns, population of, 15 In.;
town meetings, 213-214; rep-
resentation of, 386-388; vote
on constitution, 413n., 414n.
Tracy, Senator Uriah, quoted,
231; mentioned, 247n., 252.
Treadwell, Gov. John, 33, 133,
239, 283, 284, 285, 287n.,293,
322, 326, 337; in the convention,
375, 376, 378, 381, 385, 388, 399,
402, 403, 411; and the passing
of the old order, 416n.
Treasurer, duties and electipn of,
184, 209; under the constitu-
Uon, 390-392.
Trinity College, Hartford, 61.
Trumbull, Judge John, on the re-
form movement, 359n., 398,
414; mentioned, 322.
Trumbull, Gov. Jonathan, Jr., 1 14,
165, 210, 235, 239, 247, 251,
253, 270, 274, 279, 280, 283, 285.
Tryon, the raider, 320.
Tudor, William, on the Metho-
dists, 88; views of Connecticut
intolerance and people, 192n.,
284.
Turnpike companies and roads,
166.
Union, 387n.
Unitarians, status of, 43, 46, 89-
90, 385; Tolerationists, 91.
United States Bonds, 110; see
also National Bank.
Universalists, 46, 89.
Vermont, religious system and
its disestabhshment, 82, 93,
324n.; emigration to, 142, 144;
dependence of judiciary in, 152,
394.
Virginia, 330; disestablishment,
12, 76, 395; and Kentucky Res-
olutions, 231.
Voltaire, 11, 19, 27.
A*
470
INDEX
Vose, Thomas, 123.
Votes, increase in number, 251,
297; system of counting, 389;
see also Constitution; Elections.
Wadsworth, Daniel, 33, 112,
395.
Wadsworth, Gen. James, 227.
Wadsworth, Col. Jeremiah, pro-
motes woolen industry, 120;
mentioned, 104, 105, 111, 177,
227.
Wages for labor, 148-149.
Waflingford, 318, 365; RepubU-
can celebration at, 236.
Wansey, Henry, quoted, 192n.
War of 1812, effect on manufac-
tures, 125; Connecticut's atti-
tude toward, 200, 288; West
and, 289; Wolcott supports, 334;
mentioned, 56, 58, 133, 144,
146, 171.
Warren, Moses, in the convention,
378, 389, 397.
Washington, George, mentioned,
120, 167, 251, 332, 342.
Waterbury, dissenting churches
in, 50, 69, 83, 86, 91.
Waterman, Rev. Elijah, quoted,
40.
Watson, Elkanah, 162.
Wealth, men of, 98, 104.
Webb, Peter, in the convention,
376, 378, 379.
Webster, Noah, writings of, 34,
302; opposed to democracy, 211,
224, 225, 226; quoted, 230, 235;
hostility to Embargo and Jef-
ferson, 277, 278n.; his study of
the Hartford Convention, 295n. ;
mentioned, 79n., 92, 227, 229n.,
250, 275n., 316, 350.
Wells, Dr. Sylvester, 378, 379.
Welsh, John, 379.
Wesleyan College, 86.
Western emigration and lands, 3,
139, 149, 154.
Western Reserve, sale of, 75; emi-
gration to, 143.
West India trade, 98-99, 113, 114,
117.
WestviUe, 120,
Wethersfield, 196n.
White, Rev. Mr., on reUgious life
of the state, 15.
White, Judge Hugh, 143, 153.
Whitfield, Rev. George, 23.
Whiting, EU, 121.
Whiting, Joseph, 184n.
Wilcox, Gen. Joseph, 217, 274.
Wiley, Asa, 379.
Williams, Rev. Samuel, sermon
quoted, 41.
Williams, VTilliam, 197, 227, 242.
Windham, town of, 10.
Windham County, dissenting
churches in, 44, 57, .69, 70, 89;
manufacturing in, 125, 126, 137,
138; Toleration strength in, 339,
349; vote on the constitution,
412n.
Windsor, 83, 196n., 365.
Wines, Rev. Abijah, sermon of, 34.
Winthrop, John, 181, 349.
Wolcott, Alexander, appointed
collector, 241 ; organizes Repub-
lican machine, 273-274; in the
convention, 376, 381, 382, 389,
394, 395, 396, 407; mentioned,
135, 232, 247n., 269, 277.
Wolcott, General Erastus, 177.
Wolcott, Frederick, 106, ZSZ, 359,
360.
Wolcott, Gov. Oliver, 230.
Wolcott, Gov. Oliver, Jr., a man-
ufacturer, 124; sketch of life
and candidacy, 332-334, 346;
addresses, 350, 361, 368; views
on toleration, 352; views on ju-
dicial reform, 356, 398; pre-
sides over the Convention, 376,
377; mentioned, 123, 163,165,
181, 210n., 229, 278, 349, 367,
408.
Woodbury, 365.
Woodstock, dissent in, 69; manu-
facturing in, 127.
Woolaston, Religion of Nalure^ 6.
Woolen manufacturing, 120, 121,
134; aided by Uriff, 169.
WyUys family, 184.
Wyoming Valley, 141.
INDEX
471
Yale, rdigious life of, 22, 26, 28,
94; political opposition to, 23
315-316; Separatists in, 24
Bishop Berkeley donation, 25
Federalist politics of, 30, 301
Episcopalians in, 59; aristocratic
system of, 73; Commencements,
147, 301; charter and corpora-
tion, 201, 249, 403; bonus given
to, 344; mentioned, 6, 45, 56,
152, 166, 303, 312, 315, 332,
334, 379; see also Dwight,
President Timothy; Stiles; Med-
ical School.
MAY 1 8 1920